The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.

This document is informed by the struggles of women in the fight against colonialism and apartheid which were also encapsulated in the Women’s Charter of 1954. The discussion is also premised on the charter that women drew up in 1993, prior to the 1994 elections. Our Constitution, in its quest to protect and promote gender equality in South Africa, drew largely from these documents.

The dawn of democracy in South Africa saw a commitment from the African National Congress (ANC) government to address the ills of apartheid through establishing policies that would transform local government (Republic of South Africa (RSA) 1998). The transformation of local government was seen as ensuring the inclusion of citizens, and particularly communities and groups, in society that were previously excluded in policy and decision-making processes of the country (RSA 1998). The Integrated Development Plan (IDP), which is the planning tool of local government (RSA 2000) was seen as one of the ways to ensure this inclusion. This study critically analyses how some municipalities promoted public participation in the IDP process. In so doing, it critically explores the understandings and conceptualisations of public participation by municipalities. It also analyses organisational structures and institutional mechanisms used by municipalities to promote public participation in the IDP process. The study explores the nature of public participation used through these mechanisms and in these structures. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, relying mainly on secondary written sources of data, which reported on public participation and IDP processes. These sources include journal articles, books, internet sources, government legislation, IDP documents of selected municipalities, research and theses. The focus of the study was on some provinces (Gauteng, Eastern Cape, Kwa-Zulu Natal and Western Cape) in South Africa. The studies of municipalities explored in the Gauteng province are the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality, the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality, Emfuleni Local Municipality, Midvaal Local Municipality, Kungwini Municipality, West Rand District Municipality and Mogale City. In the Western Cape, the study analysed studies done in the Stellenbosch Municipality, City of Cape Town Municipality, Breede Valley Municipality and Boland Municipality. In the Eastern Cape, the study looked at studies done in Amathole District Municipality, Buffalo City District Municipality and Makana Municipality. In Kwa-Zulu Natal studies done in Msinga and Hisbicus Municipalities in the Ugu District Municipality, Ugu District Municipality, eThekwini Metro Municipality, and Sisonke Municipality were utilised. Limitations with the availability of information restricted this study to only these municipalities. To analyse the data, the study used qualitative and data analytical techniques. In particular, content analysis was used. One of the emerging conceptualisations of public participation by municipalities in this study is the commitment towards involving communities in the decision-making processes of municipalities. Another conceptualisation of public participation in the IDP process associates public participation with democracy and governance. Ward Committees were used by municipalities in this study as structures for public participation in the IDP process at local community level. These structures were faced with challenges that rendered them ineffective as structures of public participation. In this regard, Ward Committees in some municipalities were established late after the IDPs were already drafted. In others, they were either dysfunctional or by-passed as structures of participation. The IDP Representative Forums were used as the main structures for public participation in the IDP process. Like Ward Committees, these structures were faced with challenges, such as lack of decision-making powers by role-players, partial functioning of IDP Representative Forums and capacity problems for some role-players. These structures at times accentuated the socio-economic inequalities inherent in society. Municipalities in this study established mechanisms to facilitate public participation in the IDP process, such as public meetings/workshops, public hearings, Mayors‟ Listening Campaigns, road shows and ward-based meetings. While some of these mechanisms yielded benefits for communities, such as promoting access to government, some of these mechanisms were not accommodative of the marginalised groups of society, thus hindering participation of such groups in the IDP process. Municipalities in this study used low levels of participation, with limited power by citizens to influence decisions in the IDP process. Based on these findings, this study makes the following recommendations:  Municipalities must clarify their conceptualisation of who the public is to help them identify appropriate mechanisms for public participation.  Municipalities must find ways of mitigating the challenges inherent in Ward Committees to ensure that they better facilitate public participation in the IDP process.  IDP Representative Forums must accommodate the less-organised groups of society.  Municipalities must devise mechanisms for participation that are accommodative of all kinds of people and their realities.  Lastly, municipal officials are advised to move away from low levels of participation such as consultation and tokenism, to higher levels of participation that will ensure that the public have a real say in decisions that affect their lives. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.

This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.

This study focused on community development education and practice for the democratic and transformative South context. Social and community development are relatively new approaches to social welfare and community development is emerging as a discipline and profession to contribute to the goal of developmental social welfare. Community work, albeit to a minimal extent and not community development was viewed as a method of social work during apartheid. With community development being prioritized as an intervention strategy for poverty reduction by the national government, the gap in community development education needs to be addressed. The goal of the study was to develop an undergraduate curriculum framework for community development education that would produce a new generation of ethical community development professionals to contribute to the goal of developmental social welfare. The study focused on the integrated approach to community development education and practice; with education of the student as a whole human being as critical for community development in a transformative South Africa. To achieve its goal, the study identified three themes that were critical to the research: a conceptual framework, clarifying key terms; a curriculum framework for community development education; and qualities and ethics for a new generation of development practitioners. The qualitative study was based in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa and because of the lack of a referential framework for community development education, the researcher looked towards learning from India which has over fifty years of experience in social and community development education and practice. The state of Kerala established a social development approach in 1957 and was chosen as a learning experience. The state’s Kudumbashree Mission which aims at poverty alleviation through the empowerment of women was chosen as a case study. The integral and values based education system of Sri Sathya Sai University in the state of Andhra Pradesh and the community development education and practice of Loyola College in the state of Kerala were examined. The research design was exploratory, conceptual, descriptive and developmental in nature. The qualitative methodology best suited the nature of this study and a combination of methods to obtain data from a variety of sources across national boundaries was employed. The participants interviewed in both countries were purposively selected for their involvement in social and community development directly as target groups, practitioners, managers and policy makers. The research produced a philosophical and theoretical framework that is unitary and integral and aligned with the current social development policy to guide community development education and practice. The unitary and integral framework encompasses the individual within the family and community context and locates the various dimensions of development such as the social, physical, cultural, psychological, spiritual, political and economical dimensions within a unitary platform. The framework is dominated by the holistic and humanistic philosophies without negating the rational and pragmatic perspectives. In conclusion, the study conceptualizes community development as a natural process; the integration of individual and collective consciousness and an intervention. The outcome of the study is a recommended curriculum framework for community development education that would be of relevance to the Eastern Cape Province in particular and for the South African context generally.

MPM / Oliver Tambo Institute for Government and Policy Studies

No abstract available.

No abstract available.

The measurement of economic performance and social development has become increasingly important as societies have evolved and become more complex. At present nations do not only seek to improve economic performance but are also compelled to improve social development through improvements in socially and environmentally sustainable initiatives. Traditional measures such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which is derived from United Nations’ System of National Accounts (SNA) have been criticised given the inability to adequately account for these social and environmental aspects of social development. Given these perceived deficiencies in the conventional measures, several alternative objective measures have been proposed in an attempt to address these shortcomings. Therefore the primary aim of this study is to analyse, via a literature survey, these alternative objective measures of economic performance and social development. The alternative measures that constitute the survey are the Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare (ISEW), the Genuine Savings (GS), and the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI). Upon the completion of the literature survey, sustainable development theory is used to evaluate the extent to which the National Accounts and the alternative objective measures are consistent with Hicksian and Fisherian definitions of income and capital, which embody the concepts of sustainability and sustainable development. The evaluation reveals that the National Accounts neither conform to the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income, thus could not be viewed as a measure of sustainable income. It is found that the ISEW is consistent with the Fisherian definition of income and is also a partial indicator of sustainable development. The evaluation of the GS measure reveals that it is consistent with the Hicksian definition but not the Fisherian definition. In terms of overall sustainability, it is argued that GS is a partial measure of weak sustainability. The HDI is similar to the National Accounts, in that it is neither consistent with the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income and is also not a measure of sustainability. In summary, the study demonstrates that despite GDP's shortcomings as a measure of economic performance and social development, currently, there is no alternative approach which simultaneously addresses every flaw in GDP. However, all the alternatives yield a much better approximation of social development than GDP.

The measurement of economic performance and social development has become increasingly important as societies have evolved and become more complex. At present nations do not only seek to improve economic performance but are also compelled to improve social development through improvements in socially and environmentally sustainable initiatives. Traditional measures such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) which is derived from United Nations’ System of National Accounts (SNA) have been criticised given the inability to adequately account for these social and environmental aspects of social development. Given these perceived deficiencies in the conventional measures, several alternative objective measures have been proposed in an attempt to address these shortcomings. Therefore the primary aim of this study is to analyse, via a literature survey, these alternative objective measures of economic performance and social development. The alternative measures that constitute the survey are the Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare (ISEW), the Genuine Savings (GS), and the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI). Upon the completion of the literature survey, sustainable development theory is used to evaluate the extent to which the National Accounts and the alternative objective measures are consistent with Hicksian and Fisherian definitions of income and capital, which embody the concepts of sustainability and sustainable development. The evaluation reveals that the National Accounts neither conform to the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income, thus could not be viewed as a measure of sustainable income. It is found that the ISEW is consistent with the Fisherian definition of income and is also a partial indicator of sustainable development. The evaluation of the GS measure reveals that it is consistent with the Hicksian definition but not the Fisherian definition. In terms of overall sustainability, it is argued that GS is a partial measure of weak sustainability. The HDI is similar to the National Accounts, in that it is neither consistent with the Hicksian nor the Fisherian definitions of income and is also not a measure of sustainability. In summary, the study demonstrates that despite GDP's shortcomings as a measure of economic performance and social development, currently, there is no alternative approach which simultaneously addresses every flaw in GDP. However, all the alternatives yield a much better approximation of social development than GDP.