This thesis examines the relationship between Mandeville's medical and non-medical thought, to assess the relevance of the former for an understanding of the latter. By locating his medical text, A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, within the context of an early modern discourse on the nature and treatment of melancholic and nervous disorders, three distinctive features of his medical thought and practice are identified, namely: his commitment to the physiological principles of iatromechanism; his adherence to the precepts of Hippocratic medical practice; and his use of the talking cure in the treatment of hypochondriacal disorders. Those aspects of his medical thought and practice are then taken up and explored in an analysis of his philosophical and polemical performances in The Fable of the Bees. First, it is argued that The Fable of the Bees contains a systematic and coherent theory of man and society, the key elements of which were dictated by Mandeville's reductive and physiological understanding of man as a sentient and passionate machine. It is further argued that the mechanistic and homeostatic principles which informed his model of human functioning also informed his similarly reductive account of both the evolution and the contemporary functioning of the body politic. To distinguish Mandeville's from other reductive social theories, his adherence to the methodological precepts of Hippocratic medicine and his understanding of the development of its rules of diet and regimen are invoked to explain his distinctive and evolutionary account of the social institutions which made civilization and its flourishing possible. Finally, Mandeville's contrasting polemical and rhetorical performances in Parts I and II of The Fable of the Bees are explained by reference to his understanding of the medical art of diagnosis and curing in general and his use of the talking cure in particular.

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This thesis examines the political thought of Dr. Israr Ahmad and the organizations founded and led by him, namely, Markazi Anjuman-i Khuddam al-Qur'an, Tanzim-i Islami, and Tahrik-i Khilafat. He is an intellectual and reformer born in the Indian subcontinent who witnessed the struggle for independence and migrated to Pakistan. During his medical studies he was a member of the Jam'iyat-i Talabah, and after becoming a doctor, he joined the Jama'at-i Islami formed by Mawlana Mawdudi but later left it. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the main influences on him. This study focuses particularly on Dr. Israr Ahmad's contribution to political thought, that is, his derivation of the process of Islamic Revolution from the sirah, and his modification of this process to suit the present times. He has not only articulated and communicated his thought widely but also formed three organizations to implement the process in Pakistan. The aims, modes of operation, and achievements of the Anjuman and Tanzim are discussed and compared with the Jama'at-i Islami at times. Since Tahrik-i Khilafat is a recent addition, it is discussed only briefly.

Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-170). / Electronic reproduction. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / vi, 170 leaves, bound 29 cm

Chang Chün-mai, known in the West as Carsun Chang, played a prominent role on the political stage of wartime China. As educator, philosopher, and politician, he vainly attempted to alter the course of China's political and cultural development. Although commonly referred to as a liberal-democrat, this study shows Chang to be more of a traditionally-minded conservative. Masked by the heavy use of a liberal-democratic vocabulary, Chang maintained a firm commitment to principles that owed much more to conservative Chinese tradition than to Western liberalism. The fact that Chang Chün-mai did rely so heavily on liberal-democratic arguments and came to be known by some as the Father of the Constitution tends to cloud his real intent. It is argued here that his efforts to bring a Western-style constitution to China can better be understood by recognizing two major points: first, Chang, as well as many others, used the constitutional issue in an attempt to force Chiang Kai-shek to share political power; and, secondly, the constitutional issue provided Chang with the conceptual and institutional vehicle for rebuilding the socio-political relationships between the various elements of Chinese society which had existed before the Republic. Within the latter goal, Chang also souqht to create a position of influence and prestige for the class of intellectuals of which he was a part. This study explores one dimension of Chinese conservatism. It shows Chang Chün-mai as a neo-traditionalist whose behaviour was guided and limited by his image of the Chinese cultural tradition--limitations which significantly contributed to his failure. Examining Chang's actions in wartime China sheds more light on the reasons for the failure of the so-called "third force" elements that stood between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. Chang held himself aloof from the great mass of his fellow countrymen, he championed a political position which failed to offer a clear alternative to the authoritarian government of Chiang Kai-shek, and his philosophical and conservative viewpoint prevented him from carrying his political opposition to a point which seriously challenged Chiang Kai-shek. Although this study does conclude that Chang's idealized image of the Confucian gentleman (chün-tzu) acted as a handicap in the political milieu of wartime China, it confines that conclusion to a given time and place, and under particular circumstances. It emphatically does not purport to discount the viability or appropriateness of traditional Chinese values in the modern world, or with some form of democratic system. Far from exhaustive, this study is, at best, partial. It is meant to explore a dimension of the Chinese effort to reconcile themselves and their culture with a changing environment. Source materials are limited and not without inconsistencies. A major drawback is that much of the Chinese-language material concerning Chang Chün-mai is lauditory in nature and biased in his favor. If time permitted, a more thorough study of the personal accounts of other actors involved would no doubt yield a more balanced picture. Further, the circumstances under which much of the wartime materials were written required a good deal of circumspection on the part of the writers, and therefore, requires a good deal of "reading between the lines" by the modern reader. I have tried to keep my conclusions reasonable without imparting my own ideas to a difficult translation. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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