In contemporary American political life, concepts such as duty to country and society often play a role in political discourse, but are often forgotten in the lives of average Americans. The life of the average citizen is focused on issues of economic survival, familial matters, and the diversions that occupy persons. Devotion to country is made an at best secondary concern for Americans. The purpose of this work is to examine the concepts of civic virtue that historically have dominated American political thought, using the writings of Thomas Jefferson and his influences as the primary source material for this effort, as well as the writings of modern western political theorists. Through this work, a conflict emerges between the values of western liberal thought and classic republicanism; to this end, a secondary purpose of this work is to reconcile those differences in an American context. Finally, a third purpose of this work is to offer a theoretical plan for re-connecting the average citizen with concepts of civic virtue through a proposal for public service.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Heber J. Grant reflected, both consciously and unconsciously, a Mormon agrarian background and ideology. His moral fervor and idealism was in the tradition of his father, Jedediah Morgan Grant, the leading figure of the 1856 "Mormon Reformation." Grant's belief in self-sufficiency, thrift, solvency, and laissez faire government reflected the frontier environment and his business training; however, the dominant force of his life was the principles of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, especially after he was appointed an Apostle and later President of that organization. His outstanding traits were his straight-forward outspokenness and his persistence which largely explain his political behavior.The years 1882 to 1901 were Grant's most active political years with the exception of the prohibition movement which came at a later date. Although he held only two political offices--a term in the Utah Territorial Legislature and two terms as a Salt Lake City Councilman--he figured conspicuously in public affairs. In 1895 he had the opportunity, which he did not accept, of running in the first statehood election as Democratic candidate for governor of Utah. The Republican candidate for that position believed Grant would have won had he chosen to make himself available. However, Grant chose to devote himself to his Church. He later turned down two nominations for United States Senator.The prohibition movement in Utah from 1908 to 1917 witnessed Grant's active participation and represented his major excursion into political affairs. He stood for total abstinence as opposed to the local option laws and the unrestricted sale of liquor. Grant figured prominently in initiating the movement, remained interested in the movement during its nine year span--although with varying degree of activity--and again was conspicuous in the triumphant conclusion for prohibitionists. During these years he held several state posts in various temperance organizations; and the fact he held a prominent position in the Mormon Church made his prohibition stand an asset to the movement, although his position also kept him from being as active as he would have liked to have been. Because he was the most outspoken of the General Authorities, many times his opinions clashed with those of fellow Apostle, Senator Reed Smooth, a local optionist.After Grant became President of the Church in November, 1918, the once strained relationship between him and Reed Smoot was replaced by one of co-operation as Grant became converted to Smoot's importance to the Church and to Utah; and Grant often voiced his support.The New Deal met hostility from Grant because of the repeal of prohibition, the liberal legislation enacted, and the careless and overly generous public relief measures which he saw as sapping the pioneer initiative from the Mormons. At this time Grant introduced the Church Welfare Program.President Grant's political ideas were dominated by their moral overtones. Also reflected was the Mormon pioneer tradition of self-sufficiency. Grant's idea of "Church influence" was different from the views generally held, and he pictured himself a figure of forebearance. The restraint he did show was probably due in large measure to negative public reaction.

No description available.

This paper contains, somewhat in detail, Shaw's ideas of the economic relations of man, as they are stated in his political writings and upheld in his plays.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to explore Marcus Tullius Cicero's awareness and interpretation of contemporary political events as reflected in his private correspondence during the last years of both the Roman republic and his own life. Cicero's correspondence gives a detailed view of current political events in Rome and constitutes, with Caesar's own narrative, our major contemporary evidence for the circumstances of the civil war of 49 BC. The dissertation takes as Leitmotiv Cicero's own judgement of the state as 'sacrificial victim' to the ambitions of individual politicians, with as metaphor his examination of a 'dying' body politic in the manner of a haruspex inspecting the entrails of a sacrificial animal. It poses the question whether Cicero understood the message of political decline signalled by the 'entrails' of the 'carcass' of the res publica, and whether this ability in its turn enabled him to anticipate future political development in Rome. In what follows, the theoretical input of Cicero's predecessors, their perceptions of constitutional development, and of Roman politics in particular, as well as Cicero's own perception of their political theories will be considered in order to determine the extent of Cicero's awareness of a larger pattern of political events, and how consistent he was in his analyses of such patterns, that is, to what extent Cicero may be considered seriously as a political analyst. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die oogmerk van die verhandeling is om vas te stel of Marcus Tullius Cicero met reg daaop kan aanspraak maak dat hy eietydse politieke gebeure sinvol kon interpreteer as die manifestering van 'n nuwe politieke stroming wat die voorkoms van die toekomstige Romeinse politieke toneel sou bepaal. Cicero se waarneming en begrip van eietydse politieke gebeure in die laaste paar jaar van die Romeinse Republiek en sy eie lewe word tekenend weerspieël in sy persoonlike briefwisseling uit die tydperk 51 tot 43 v.C. As historiese dokument bied hierdie korrespondensie, as primêre bronmateriaal, naas die behoue kontemporêre beriggewing van Julius Caesar, die enigste ander kontemporêre getuienis vir die uitbreek en nadraai van die burgeroorlog van 49 v.C. Die sentrale tema van die verhandeling is Cicero se persepsie van die Romeinse staat as die 'slagoffer' van magsugtige politieke rolspelers. Cicero se rol as waarnemer en politieke analis word uitgebeeld deur die metafoor van 'n haruspex (profeet) wat die 'ingewande' van die 'karkas' van die gestorwe Romeinse Republiek ondersoek. Die kernvraag wat gestel word is, of Cicero inderdaad daartoe in staat was om die boodskap van politieke verandering raak te lees, die implikasies daarvan te begryp en daarvolgens 'n beredeneerde toekomsprojeksie van die Romeinse politieke toneel te maak. Om te bepaal of Cicero meriete verdien as 'n politieke analis, word die volgende kriteria as toetsstene gebruik: die teoretiese insette van Cicero se voorgangers en sy beheersing van sodanige politieke teoretisering, die mate waarin hy konsekwent en objektief kon oordeel, en die mate waarin hy teorie en die praktiese werklikheid van die Romeinse politieke situasie kon integreer.

This study examines Mark Twain's use of the spoken word in the last decade of his life. It includes Twain's informal readings, his image manipulation and control, his rhetorical speaking, his methods of speech preparation, and his dictation of the autobiography. Twain's use of oral interpretation is examined demonstrating the influence of the Reading Tour of 1884-1885. He read informally for personal delight and to edit his works. A large part of the dissertation is devoted to the long history of the Twain persona. Particularly does this study focus on Twain's rhetorical persona and the means by which he attempted to maintain the historical Mark Twain while expanding his role to that of political activist. Using a Burkean perspective, Twain's anti-imperialist rhetoric is analyzed. His private philosophy dictated the use of two ratios. Though he did not successfully defeat the imperialists, he was effective in rallying and unifying the anti-imperialist forces. The final portion of this work investigates Twain's participation in the effective campaign to dethrone Richard Croker and Tammany Hall. Attention is also given to Twain's seventieth birthday speech, and his lecture-like dictation of his autobiography. This dissertation concludes that in his final years Twain found happiness in the spoken word, that mode of communication on which he built his career.