The recognition of one's exercise of sexual rights and reproductive rights, including the right to health, sexual health and reproductive health are critical matters. Also critical, and especially for women in a patriarchal society are rights related to contraception, natality control, and education on fertility matters since these rights contribute to women's control over their own bodies. In Peru, between 1995 and 1998, and as recently as May of 2003, documented evidence points to legislation and institutional practices that continue to deny women these rights thus affecting their lives, the lives of their children and the outcome for their unborn. The Peruvian government, in enacting the 1995 National Population Law (hereinafter 1995 NPL) applied under the "1996--2000 Family Planning Program" and guided by the "Procedural Manuals for Sterilisations" reinforces these beliefs. In so doing, the state contributes to the oppression and domination of marginalised social groups while alienating some bodies from fertility choices and transforming them into objects of manipulation. Four main chapters constitute this thesis, as well as an introduction, conclusion, and appendices. The introduction presents an overview of reproductive health, or lack thereof, in Peru. Chapter One introduces the examined material through a literature review, as the basis for the following chapters. Chapters Two and Three, address theory and methodology respectively acting as lenses and suggesting ways of examining the oppression that disables marginalized social groups. In light of the foregoing chapters, Chapter Four analyses the stories of oppression and domination of marginalized social groups, embodied in state sanctioned practices of fertility control. Bringing the margins to the centre, this portion of the story relies on the testimony of the women themselves, reflecting their voices and opinions as producers of knowledge rather than victims. This research work closes with questions formulated to elicit further stories, and reaffirms its aim to serve as a basis for political consciousness, social change and activism through academic means. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

The present study explores the language, cultural and social perceptions and experiences of eight Mexican instructors pursuing graduate degrees in the southwestern U.S. Identity and power relations in academia are also explored. The main research questions are: (1) How do Mexican, Spanish-speaking university instructors pursuing graduate degrees in English in the U.S. perceive their language, academic, social and cultural experiences? (2) How do they cope with the linguistic, social, and cultural demands of their new environment? (3) How do they perceive their identity(ies)? (4) In what ways does their relationship with their advisor, professors, peers, impact their life in academia and in the U.S.? The findings of this basic interpretive qualitative study revealed that the participants' identities as multiple, dynamic, diverse, and changing guided them in their adaptation to their new environment. Finally, the author highlights the need for the development of English for Academic Purposes curriculum.

This thesis research contributes to the literature on Finnish Canadians, and in particular the second-generation, which has attracted limited scholarly attention. It examines how these individuals make sense of their Finnish ethnic and Canadian cultural identities, and the intercultural communication issues that emerge out of their sense of belonging to two cultures. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 second-generation Finnish immigrants in the Ottawa area following Rubin and Rubin's (2005) responsive interviewing approach. It was found that these individuals identify strongly with being Canadian but largely experience symbolic ethnic identity, acknowledging their ethnicity as important but not living day-to-day within Finnish ethnic culture. While some did not report difficulties as a result of their two cultures, others experienced intercultural communication issues with Canadians and/or Finns. These findings suggest that, in some cases, even symbolic ethnic identity may result in intercultural communication issues with both ethnic and broader cultural group members.

Ethnic broadcasting is a unique phenomenon of multiethnic countries that could reflect and influence a country's ethnic relations. This study examines the ethnic broadcasting policies and practices in Canada and China, to determine existing issues, and reflect on the countries' ethnic relations and ethnic policies. This thesis analyzes the ethnic broadcasting operations in the two countries comparatively through interpreting with critical lenses the data collected from government and university databases. This analysis is especially interested in the relationship between ethnic relations and the broadcasting media, between ethnic policies and broadcasting policies, and between ethnic politics and ethnic broadcasting content. Several issues in the two countries' ethnic policies and ethnic broadcasting operations are revealed through the comparative analysis, particularly the insufficiency of public broadcasting presence and governmental involvement in Canadian ethnic broadcasting, and the politicization of ethnic relations and ethnic broadcasting operations in China.

Cette thèse est une étude exploratoire qui porte sur le lien entre le niveau d'éducation moyen des adultes d'un groupe ethnique et la réussite scolaire au secondaire des jeunes de ce groupe. Afin de mieux comprendre la question, une comparaison interethnique est effectuée entre les Luso-canadiens, les Canado-jamaïcains et les Indo-canadiens à Toronto en 2001. La théorie de la reproduction des classes de Bourdieu est le cadre théorique choisi. Afin d'effectuer des comparaisons, des descriptions de chaque groupe ethnique et des données statistiques sont utilisées. À la lumière des analyses effectuées pour chaque groupe ethnique, il semble exister un lien entre le niveau d'éducation général des adultes d'un groupe ethnique et la réussite académique de ces jeunes. L'étude étant exploratoire, les conclusions ne permettent pas de comprendre la question complètement. Néanmoins, des études empiriques dans ce domaine seraient utiles pour mieux comprendre la réussite scolaire des enfants issus de l'immigration et ainsi favoriser la mobilité sociale.

The thesis studies the recent efforts of the Ukrainian community in Canada to raise awareness of the Holodomor, Ukrainian Famine-Genocide of 1932-33. The theoretical framework is built on Jan Assmann's concept of cultural memory (1995), the concept of human rights and social justice elaborated by John Finnis (1980) and John Rawls (1999), the post-modern interpretation of Diaspora by Stuart Hall (1990) and James Clifford (1994), and the positive reading of nationalism by Anthony Smith (1995) and Benedict Anderson (1991). The thesis investigates how the Ukrainian Diaspora in Canada raises awareness of the Holodomor and explores the motivations behind these efforts. This explanatory case study utilizes two qualitative data collection methods: a content analysis of the Canadian legislation and school curricula on the Holodomor as well as in-depth interviews with Ukrainian Canadian professionals involved in the Holodomor awareness campaign. Findings reveal that Ukrainian Canadians concentrate their efforts on political recognition of the Holodomor, on the introduction of it as a compulsory subject in school curricula and on the recording of eye witnesses of the Holodomor. Ukrainian Canadians are driven by the sense of being part of the Ukrainian nation, the need to tell the historical truth and the belief in Canada's commitment to respect and protect human rights. By preserving and sharing the memory of the Holodomor with Canadian society, the Ukrainian Canadian Diaspora re-actualizes its distinctive collective identity, contributes to the reconstruction of the Ukrainian historical memory, supports Ukraine on its way to democracy, consolidates democratic values of Canadian society and contributes to Canada's role as defender of human rights.

Cette thèse se penche sur la problématique de l'intégration des jeunes immigrants francophones des pays des Grands Lacs africains (JIFPGLA) dans la vie socioprofessionnelle à Ottawa-Gatineau. L'objectif consiste à explorer l'expérience de ce groupe de jeunes en rapport avec leur intégration dans la société d'accueil. Il s'agit d'examiner comment les éléments du capital humain et social ainsi que d'autres axes discriminatoires s'enchevêtrent pour empêcher ces jeunes immigrants de pénétrer le milieu de l'emploi. Le premier chapitre est consacré à une étude historique, politique et législative de l'immigration canadienne et africaine. Il présente le contexte de l'immigration canadienne entachee par des inégalités qui conduisent à l'exclusion et à la discrimination. Le deuxième chapitre pose la problématique de recherche. Il analyse les caractéristiques de la population immigrante. Il établit le portrait de jeunes immigrants au Canada et celui des immigrants originaires des pays des Grands Lacs africains. Le troisième chapitre concerne le cadre théorique. Il conceptualise les termes qui sous-tendent l'intégration. Il analyse aussi le courant de l'interactionnisme symbolique étudié à travers la pensée de l'École de Chicago. Il s'agit de voir comment les immigrants interagissent et réagissent avec les composantes de la société lorsqu'ils font face aux problèmes d'inégalités liés au capital humain et social ainsi qu'aux dimensions de la construction de frontières ethniques, de l'ethnicité et de l'ethnie. Le quatrième chapitre est consacré à la méthodologie de la recherche. Il propose une méthode qualitative basée sur des entrevues semi-structurées, effectuées auprès d'un échantillon de quinze répondants. Une analyse et une interprétation des données des entrevues, suivies par une brève description de chaque répondant, ont été réalisées. Les chapitres cinq et six comprennent deux volets empiriques du capital humain et social. Le premier répertorié les discriminations et rend compte de leur incidence sur l'intégration. Le deuxième volet met l'emphase sur l'importance des réseaux primaires et secondaires dans le processus d'intégration. La conclusion retrace en amont et en aval les étapes qui ont caractérisé ce travail. Il en résulte qu'au Canada en général et dans la Région d'Ottawa-Gatineau en particulier, la discrimination envers les JIFPGLA existe sous une forme directe ou indirecte. Conséquemment, ces jeunes n'ont pas la même chance d'accès aux emplois comparativement aux jeunes Canadiens de souche1. 1Par Canadien de souche, nous entendons des personnes qui sont installées au Canada depuis de nombreuses générations, à tel point qu'elles ne sont plus considérées comme des immigrants ni des descendants d'immigrants.

Le phénomène migratoire existe depuis la nuit des temps. Même si beaucoup de chercheurs à travers le monde ont fait plusieurs études sur la question de la migration, il reste, certes, un sujet auquel on peut continuer à s'intéresser. Dépendamment de l'auteur(e) et de ce qu'il/elle recherche, la migration peut-être abordée sous différents angles. Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous avons étudié les immigrant(e)s haïtien(ne)s hautement qualifié(e)s et leur insertion sur te caste du travail canadien. D'après le constat que nous avons fait, s'il existe plusieurs études sur cette population immigrante; nous n'avons, cependant, rien trouvé en ce qui concerne ce groupe spécifique. C'est en ce sens que nous avons jugé nécessaire de considérer directement ce groupe d'immigrant(e)s haïtien(ne)s entre au Canada entre 1990 et 2005. La situation de sous-emploi que présentent tes statistiques canadiennes concernant les immigrante haïtien(ne)s est très préoccupante. Elle nous a incité à chercher tout d'abord à savoir si ce groupe qui a constitué notre échantillon fait parti de ceux et celles qui confrontent ce problème de sous-emploi. Notre tâche était aussi d'essayer de comprendre, dans la mesure où c'était le cas, les causes de ce problème. Nous avons, en fait, abouti à la conclusion qu'il existe une disparité entre les immigrant(e)s hautement qualifié(e)s qui sont arrivé(e)s au Canada à partir de la politique d'immigration canadienne pour les immigrant(e)s qualifié(e)s. D'une part, ils/elles sont satisfait(e)s de leur parcours au Canada; ils/elles ont un bon emploi et ont atteint en quelque sorte leurs objectifs. D'autre part, ce sont des gens qui ne sont pas tout à fait satisfaits de leur situation au Canada. Les affaires n'ont pas été selon leurs attentes; ils/elles ont fait des études comme les autres; cependant, ils/elles n'ont même pas pu décrocher un emploi à temps plein. Donc, tout le travail consistait à déterminer les causes du problème de sous-emploi où même de non emploi des gens qualifiés et prêts à travailler. C'est ce qui a été développé tout au long de notre analyse.

The Church as the new People of God from its foundation is Catholic and universal. The Church in its mission has greatly appreciated the different cultures and had consistently emphasized the value of national belonging. Different languages and cultures were always a challenge, signs of the times, when the Church carried out its salvific mission. This values were incorporated (although not explicitly) into the legislation of the Church in the light of its catholicity. East-Central Europe is the gathering place of many nations who lived together for centuries. Political systems often created tensions among various nationalities and religions, because in East-Central Europe religion and national identity often overlap. With the dismemberment of Hungary in 1918, the tension in the so-called successor states between the Hungarian minority and the new ruling majority influenced the life of particular churches and Catholic communities. During the Communist regime, the problem of national minorities was for all practical purposes overlooked. The political philosophy based on the "dictatorship of the proletariat" left little place for various cultures, and, under the red flag of Communism, the political ideas of the majority prevailed. After the collapse of the communist regime in 1989, national minorities had the freedom to give voice to their desire for the recognition of their fundamental human rights. The various nationalities in East-Central Europe, including national minorities, are not immigrants. They became minorities because of historical and political situations. With the changes of civil borders they were removed from the body of the mother state. Their home and cultural roots are at hand, but they find themselves in an alien culture. The Church created various means and structures for the pastoral care of immigrants in view of their exceptional situation. However, this cannot be fully applied in the situation of ethnic minorities, because certain factors make their situation different. One of these is the divided particular Churches and hierarchy, which were divided also by civil borders. In the newly created and rearranged particular Churches, the minority was often surrounded by a "hostile" majority and not by a welcoming country as in the case of immigrants. Another factor which characterizes the situation of ethnic minorities is that any attempt to establish ecclesiastical structures based on nationality (personal diocese, personal parish), might be interpreted by the majority as a breeding ground for nationalism, and could even incite their fear of a possible change of civil borders, placing the integrity of the state in jeopardy. Pope John Paul II, in his World Day of Peace Message in 1989, summarized those values, which ecclesiastical legislation has to rely on namely, the right of an ethnic minority to its language, culture and education, as well as the duty of ethnic minorities toward the majority culture. The A. presents some practical possibilities and perspectives in creating a culture of peace and some relatively simple possibilities for ecclesiastical legislation related to ethnic minorities.

In the following pages I try to present my interpretation of the enigma behind the successful co-existence between the two largest ethnic groups in Bulgaria---the Bulgarian majority and the Turkish minority---by offering a new theoretical rationalization of this atypical phenomenon in the context of the Balkans. My hypothesis is that the Bulgarian national project was defined as a manifestation of a political attachment. With this element as the common denominator/anchor, which resulted in the supremacy of common citizenship over ethnic and religious loyalties, I argue that the Bulgarian national vision clearly contradicted other South-eastern European nationalisms known to emphasize a populations cultural heritage and its ethnic continuity. I argue that in the case of Bulgaria we are dealing with a political, civic, inclusive nationalism. Using L. Greenfeld's situational constraint theory I assess those critical variables/factors of the Bulgarian nation-building process, which, I argue, enabled the emergence of a political and inclusive national project. This path contrasted other Balkan states, where this process emphasized ethnicity and religion, rather than citizenship, as major criteria for establishing a persons membership in the national "imagined community." Hence the Bulgarian liberation movement was atypical in terms of the pattern of regional nation building where the subordination of citizenship rights to the principle of statehood was generally the norm. Yet, while this may be attributed in part to the absence of certain conditions (religious or ethnic fervour, for example), Bulgaria's national project seems to have been the result of a conscious adoption of political universalism.