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<p> Ethnic identity is dynamic social construction. Ethnic groups define and display their heritage to meet the social, economic, and political interests of the group. Tourism is one outlet for ethnic groups to express their identity while stimulating local economies. Ethnic tourism is becoming more popular in urban settings, as municipal governments attempt to compete for tourism income and establish a unique brand. Placing ethnic tourism within an urban setting creates additional layers of complexity that have the potential to alter the way ethnic groups interact and are perceived by locals and visitors. Tourism involves the construction of expectations through deliberate representation. When the object of expectation is an ethnic or minority group, the creation of symbols to enhance the exotic appeal can have unintended consequences for the performance of ethnicity within urban structures. This paper attempts to document the effects of urban ethnic tourism on the ethnic group that is the subject of tourism by applying a new framework for urban ethnic tourism to the ethnic festivals of Milwaukee, WI.</p>

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines rap music in Aotearoa, demonstrates its popularity, and explores its presence as a cultural commodity, particularly among Polynesian youth. I show how analysis of a popular musical phenomenon can be used to illustrate other social facts such as identity, political awareness, and alliance. American rap's history, musical characteristics, misogyny, profanity, racial implications, associations with deviance, and nihilism are explored, outlining multiple levels of meaning and intention, not excusing its occasional harshness, but presenting perspectives from within rap and critical race theory discourses. From interviews with school students, teachers, rappers, adults involved with young people and persons in the media industry, I show that, in Aotearoa, it is the Polynesian youth who have embraced rap, both as fans and as performers, from breakdancing in the early 80's to the latest surge of "Pasifika Hip Hop". Through observation and collection of videos, CD's, sales charts, magazines and news articles I conclude that American rap has had a strong presence in the media and popular music history of Aotearoa, with many local rap artists and songs having local chart successes. Through musical and lyrical analysis I summarise and compare the themes and musical influences of both American and Aotearoa rap and discover that Aotearoa rap is used to assert and construct local identities exploring race, culture and history. The thesis begs the question: Why is rap so popular particularly among Polynesian youth? Four responses are explored: a) The rappers themselves cite a similar socio-economic and historical circumstance to African Americans; b) Rap is a popular globalised popular cultural form, possibly representing a generalised trend in Americanisation and homogenisation, (which I refute on the basis of rap's inherent "blackness" arguing that hip hop is rather a voice of opposition); c) Rap as a genre has kaupapa [philosophy] and presents an ideal tool for the exigencies of Polynesian youth's exploration of identity and community and for the communication of political and pride; and finally d) The Polynesian youth of Aotearoa feel a spiritual connection to rap and hip hop, hearing something of themselves in it, and have taken to it like it was already theirs. I offer that rap has been a Turangawaewae [place to stand] for the rangatahi [youth] and they have injected this fertile African American popular music genre with their own culture and ideology. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis examines the cultural identity of Franco-American teenagers living in Berlin, New Hampshire. Many questions lie at the core of the research: Do these adolescents speak French? If so, in which context do they speak it? How do they interpret their French roots? How do they identify themselves in regards to the Franco-American community? These questions are answered by closely looking at the roles played by language, culture and milieu in cultural identity. In November 2000, a questionnaire was distributed to 342 teenagers attending Berlin High School. Interviews of leaders of the Franco-American community were conducted to determine their views on Berlin's Franco-American youth. The teenagers revealed many interesting details about family members who speak French, the contexts in which French is spoken, their own attitudes towards the French language, their interest for the French culture, the key elements, in their view, that comprise Franco-American culture and the way they chose to identify themselves. The majority of the teenagers have "symbolic" Franco-American identities that are no longer rooted in the knowledge of the French language. Their parents represent Berlin's last generation who know and speak French. As a result, a cultural divide lies between the teenagers, of whom many speak only little French, and their parents, who identify much more with the French culture and of whom many still speak French.

The events and aftermath of the September 11th attack on the United States had profound effects on Canadians and Americans alike. For some however, the implications are deeply personal. Afghan-Canadians, particularly young men suddenly found themselves defined as "risky" in official discourses (i.e. legislation), in state practices (i.e. airports, borders), in the media and in social interactions. Ten in-depth interviews with Afghan-Canadian men where conducted in order to examine how they experience and manage this newly ascribed identity. Foucauldian governmentality and "risk" theories were employed to make sense of the structural stigma, its genesis and its impact on the lives of this minority group. In addition Goffman's symbolic interactionism approach provided the lens through which to understand Afghan-Canadian males' experiences of symbolic stigma and their stigma management techniques during personal interactions. The combination of these theoretical frameworks allows us to situate the individual within broader social, regulatory and discursive frameworks while attending to their subjectivity and recognizing their engagement with (and resistance to) regulatory discourses/practices. The accounts of my Afghan-Canadian participants affirm the experiences of structural stigma at governmental sites of regulation (i.e. borders & airports) and interpersonal stigma during social interaction. It also revealed these men to be active agents who, although intimidated, nonetheless challenged the dominant discourse through multifaceted alternate discourses and practiced "everyday acts" of resistance.