Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1967. / Extension Repository Collection. Typescript (photocopy). eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [159]-162).

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / Vita. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.

Being part of the semi-arid, southern Kalahari, the Mier area has a complex and sensitive ecosystem, with a low carrying capacity. Factors, such as population growth, uneconomical farm units and restricted communal areas, have resulted in serious degradation of the natural resource base. Due to their strong agricultural history, the Mier community is generally still perceived as being agriculturally inclined, which easily leads to an overall main objective, namely "to stabilising the Mier community in their agricultural environment". Development and assistance initiatives mostly focus on the natural resource base. The majority of the Mier community, however, has undergone an evolutionary process which has changed their attitudes to agriculture. In order to determine the current role of agriculture, this study aims to identify the livelihood strategies of the Mier community in the dynamic sphere of conditions and trends, livelihood resources as well as institutional and organisational structures. The main socio-economic results are as follows: (a) forty-two percent of the total economically active age (EAA) group is unemployed, with the highest rate under EAA persons younger than 30, i.e. 58%; (b) households diversify in one or more of the following livelihood sustaining activities: (i) casual labour (49%), (ii) government allowances (50%), (iii) livestock agriculture (46%), (iv) permanent work (28%), (v) migrancy (33%), (vi) fruit/vegetable/pasture production for own consumption (28%), (vii) support through private transfers (21%), and (viii) small scale trading activities (11%); (c) households perceive the following as their most important livelihood strategies: government allowances for 43% of all households, permanent work for 21 %, casual labour for 16% and livestock for only 10% of all households. The following results from this study indicate that the role of agriculture is declining. (a) Fifty-four percent of the community do not own livestock. (b) Only 39% of people who are not full time involved in agriculture, are very interested in farming, 19% are fairly interested and 42% are not interested. Only 4% of the grade 10-12 pupils are very interested, 42% fairly interested and 54% not interested in agriculture. (c) None of the communal farmers regard their livestock as their main livelihood strategy. For them, livestock mainly playa supplementary role, supplying milk and sometimes meat. (d) For every 55 persons who perceive a lack of land as the major problem of the Mier area, 100 persons believe that it is rather a lack of employment opportunities. It is concluded that the image of the Mier community as being a farming community should change to a community looking urgently for alternative livelihood opportunities. Support through agricultural assistance would only benefit a limited part of the community and it would exclude many of the poorest households. / Dissertation (M Inst Agrar ( Plant Production))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Plant Production and Soil Science / unrestricted

This thesis is an investigation of the origins of the tenant farmer movement prevalent in Japan in the 1920 and '30s. This movement was a social movement of considerable importance. Accordingly, much research, both Japanese and Western, has been done on the movement. The concern of this thesis is with the origins of the movement at the rice-shoot level. The question addressed is; Why did the movement develop at this time in Japan's history? Events on the village level are investigated in search for the answer to this query. I have concerned myself with the 1920s alone since the developments in the 1930s merely represent an extension of those of the previous decade. The sociologist James Scott has recently developed a theoretical framework for investigating the origins of tenant unrest as a universal historical phenomenon. This framework was first published in an article in the Journal of Asian Studies entitled "The Erosion of Patron-Client Bonds and Social Change in South East Asia" I have found this framework to provide a useful means of organizing the material relating to the origins of tenant unrest in Japan. The basic premise of Scott's theory is that the vertical ties of loyalty binding the client to his patron are based on the receipt of basic goods and services from the patron. The client's minimum demands are subsistence guarantee and protection. This bond can lose its legitimacy if the patron no longer supplies the goods and services expected by the client. Under these conditions the potential for tenant unrest is created. This potential, however, is not always realized. Whether the patron loses his legitimacy without a client reaction or not depends on several factors. Three of the more important factors that are investigated herein are the state of the client's economy, the means for the client to mobilize and influences beyond the village that either encourage or discourage the expression of his discontent, I argue herein that the 1andlord-tenant relationship in Japan is a patron-client relationship and that changes in Japanese society generally and Japanese rural society specifically led to the loss of legitimacy of that relationship. Four specific changes contributed to that development. The increase in absentee landlordism, the increasing tendency for landlords to invest their money outside of the rural sector, the steady decline in the number of cultivating landlords and the increasing political identification of the landlord with the prefectural bureaucracy all combined to alter the quality of and 1ord-tenant relations and gradually divided the village along class lines. It was this loss of legitimacy of the landlord-tenant relationship that created the potential for tenant unrest. The realization of this potential in the form of organized tenant farmer movement depended primarily on three factors. First, the economic conditions prevailing in Japan in the 1920s were such that the tenant desperately needed the goods and services traditionally provided by the landlord. In the absence of an alternate source of supply the tenant was forced to react against the loss of the services. Second, the existence of a village level tenant farmer union enabled the tenants to successfully mobilize their resources and confront the landlords with their demands in form of a collective bargaining unit. Finally, in order for the movement to have developed it was also necessary that the tenant farmer's traditional attitude toward his landlord change. This change was fostered in large part by the breakdown in the traditional landlord-tenan relationship, but other political changes in Japanese society were not without effect. The labor movement and tenant participation within it was particularly important in fostering changes in tenant farmer consciousness and the development of a class conscious tenant farmer movement. These three conditions are the factors crucial to the realization of the potential for tenant unrest that led to the development of the tenant farmer movement in the 1920s. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Bibliography: leaves 309-336 / xi, 336 leaves (some folded), [7] leaves of plates : ill., geneal. tables, maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 1986

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of New South Wales, 2006. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Apr. 23, 2007). Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-420).

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Land and water are critical resources for rural livelihoods and lie at the heart of rural development. Granting rural people land under the land reform without sufficient water resources is indeed problematic. This dissertation explores rural development with the links between water and land reform, especially within the redistribution processes. The focus is on both accessibility and water quality within transferred land reform projects. The results of a nationally-based study focussing on land redistribution post transfer projects as well as an intensive pre-transfer case study research conducted in Kwazulu-Natal indicate that land redistribution is not effectively considering the water needs of the beneficiaries. Infact, in some instances, the newly resettled communities ' access to water resources have worsened. This dissertation critically analyses and presents the relevant data, specifically highlighting whether land redistribution is addressing the water needs of rural communities. Furthermore, the role of the authorities in terms of providing water to land reform communities is critically appraised. Finally, alternatives, policy and implementation recommendations are forwarded to ensure that the availability and accessibility of water for both productive and reproductive purposes are sufficiently and rigorously considered within land redistribution projects. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 2002