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Burger se rol in die Suid-Afrikaanse partypolitiek, 1934-1948 / The presence of Die Burger in the partypolitics of South Africa, 1934-1948Joubert, Jurie Jacobus 13 February 2015 (has links)
Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende
die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1
was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit
gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie
en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte
teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer
bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland.
Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis
het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm
het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het,
is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by
Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en
PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet
as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike
ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou
van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende
uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis
gehad.
Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna
tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis
met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie
belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n
besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid-
Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral
in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel.
Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes
het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper
van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het.
Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende
se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig
kon word.
As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp
om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant
het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en
op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende
en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind
as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik
sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper
Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience
of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation
figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart
from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent
editorial staff and management team. The way in which it
effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony
of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland.
The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National
Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship,
entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly
by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of
cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors,
A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their
personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating
the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive
influence on South African political history.
The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition
and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established
with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly
in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for
itself an important position of power within the National
Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central
figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also
in a personal capacity.
Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural
cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder
of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation
of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which
the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be
safeguarded and maintained.
After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National
Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked
General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political
front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas.
Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely
criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and
it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.
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Burger se rol in die Suid-Afrikaanse partypolitiek, 1934-1948 / The presence of Die Burger in the partypolitics of South Africa, 1934-1948Joubert, Jurie Jacobus 13 February 2015 (has links)
Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende
die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1
was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit
gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie
en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte
teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer
bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland.
Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis
het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm
het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het,
is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by
Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en
PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet
as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike
ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou
van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende
uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis
gehad.
Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna
tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis
met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie
belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n
besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid-
Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral
in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel.
Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes
het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper
van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het.
Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende
se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig
kon word.
As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp
om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant
het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en
op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende
en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind
as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik
sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper
Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience
of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation
figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart
from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent
editorial staff and management team. The way in which it
effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony
of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland.
The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National
Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship,
entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly
by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of
cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors,
A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their
personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating
the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive
influence on South African political history.
The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition
and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established
with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly
in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for
itself an important position of power within the National
Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central
figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also
in a personal capacity.
Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural
cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder
of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation
of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which
the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be
safeguarded and maintained.
After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National
Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked
General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political
front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas.
Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely
criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and
it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.
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The politics of administration: a study of the career of Dr D L Smit with special reference to his work in the Department of Native Affairs, 1934-1945Bell, M M S January 1978 (has links)
The written history of modern South Africa is limited by the moratorium on archival material common to' all contemporary research, and the present study is intended, in part, to help fill this gap. It has a two- fold design: first, to point out some of the anomalies in the relationship between administration and policy and secondly, to show the extent to which they are interdependent in Dr. D.L. Smit ' s career. In the process, I hope to clarify and to comment on some of the mechanics involved in Native Administration.
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The role and application of the Union Defence Force in the suppression of internal unrest, 1912-1945Fokkens, Andries Marius 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African
history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force.
Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying
areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in
North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to
1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of
white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907,
1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes
of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force
when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong
and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in
the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South
West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925)
and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military
forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the
government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The
government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude
towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights.
The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s
protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force
multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in
minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner
uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders
and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the
First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through
quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The
period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and
limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the
government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities
between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society
mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence
Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an
effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe
criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public
who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in
die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika
gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en
vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings
onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en
Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen
uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is.
In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar.
Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante
optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat
die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen
sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy
politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika
soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi
(1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie
en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van
brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid
van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat
die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings
wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek
uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger
wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande
aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste
en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van
die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname
aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige
onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik
Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is
gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook
ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die
regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou
vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die
Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die
Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van
strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer.
Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die
publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.
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