M.A. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

A research report submitted to the School of Governance in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management of the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, in part fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of the Masters of Management in Public Policy / Any democratic state would be concerned about a policing approach that is characterised by militarism. South Africa under the apartheid government experienced the hardships that come with a police agency that is militaristic and politically oriented to serve minority interests and ‘deal’ with the apartheid government detractors. Security Sector Reform (SSR) was amongst the crucial policy issues that a democratic South Africa had to address considering the historical nature of the functioning of security and intelligence institutions. The transformation of the South African Police Service (SAPS) from a force to a service-oriented police agency formed part of the SSR, amongst which included creating civilian oversight mechanisms to serve as checks and balances on how the SAPS functions in a democratic state. The Civilian Secretariat for Police Service (CSPS) forms part of the civilian oversight institutions. Overtime, the SAPS started showing signs of reverting back to the militaristic policing approach which included reverting back to adopting military ranks in 2010. This raised concerns in the public domain with a consequential regression in terms of public trust and police integrity. This research assessed the role of the CSPS in terms of SAPS transformation focussing on police militarisation, demilitarisation, role and power of the Minister and role of SAPS in policy development. Further, the research also assessed the South African SSR policy and Security Sector Governance (SSG) framework to understand the implications these have regarding SAPS transformation. The study found that the SAPS is to some extend militarised through PPUs but the latter failed to gain full traction. Militarisation in itself is not a negative approach, however, the extent and degree of deploying militaristic policing approaches require stricter monitoring. The CSPS has adequate powers derived from policy and legislation but such are not adequately utilised to ensure a significant success on SAPS transformation. Political will is crucial to propel police reform in South Africa. The Minister of Police can strengthen the political oversight role on the SAPS by ensuring effective use of the CSPS and governance framework established for SAPS transformation. / M T 2019

Thesis (MMil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As South Africa entered the transitional period towards establishing a multi-party democracy, its defence policy changed fundamentally. The African National Congress (ANC) as the upcoming governing party established the Military Research Group (MRG), to help formulate its defence policy positions, which subsequently largely determined South African defence policy. Through this think-tank the ANC leadership became interested in and supported the idea of non-offensive defence (NOD). NOD is a European idea of the Cold War era, which was aimed at preventing the security dilemma, arms races and accidental war between states. The aim of this study is to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa since 1994, by describing how NOD became prominent. Non-offensive defence ideas influenced South African defence policy significantly and appeared in all legislation and policies pertaining to defence. NOD complemented the ANC’s domestic policy goals with the new security paradigm, which like NOD, originate from the Peace Research school of thought. As a defensive idea, NOD emphasised South Africa’s intention to improve relations with Southern African states, as well as its strategic defensiveness, which determined the military doctrine of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The ANC used NOD to transform the SANDF, especially to scale down its power projection capabilities. Two arguments are made in this study to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa when the prominence of NOD is considered. Firstly, that South African defence policy-makers are open to ideas and models from industrialised states, despite the limited applicability and shortcomings of such models. Secondly, models can be used in various ways by interest groups to influence policy. NOD was used as a theoretical tool by the MRG and the military to influence defence policy according to their interests. Several characteristics of South African defence policy-making were also identified. Firstly, that the Constitution does not prioritise state or individual security as more important. This makes conflicting world-views of realism and idealism about defence possible. Defence policy therefore often has to involve a compromise between these views. Secondly, although the Constitution makes provision for public participation in defence policy-making, there is no equal distribution of power for interest groups to influence policy. In this regard the legislature and parliamentary defence committees are also weak compared to the executive authority. Thirdly, the use of non-governmental organisations in defence policy-making has created a form of direct and unrestricted lobbying, as well as the privatisation of policy-making. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die politieke oorgangsperiode en die aanloop tot die vestiging van ‘n veelparty demokrasie, het Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid wesenlike veranderinge ondergaan. As opkomende regerende party het die African National Congress (ANC), die Military Research Group (MRG) gestig om díe party se standpunte rondom verdedigingsbeleid te formuleer. Sedertdien het die MRG, Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid grootliks omskrywe. Die MRG het ANC leiers aan die term non-offensive defence (NOD), wat ‘n Europese idee uit die Koue Oorlog-era is, bekendgestel. NOD is daarop gemik om die veiligheidsdilemma, wapenwedlope en toevallige oorlog te verhoed. Die ANC het NOD ondersteun en bevorder. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die aard van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleidmaking sedert 1994 te beskryf aan die hand van NOD se prominensie. Non-offensive defence idees het Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid beduidend beïnvloed en verskyn in alle wetgewing en beleid wat verband hou met verdediging. NOD het die ANC se plaaslike beleidsdoelwitte binne die nuwe veiligheidsparadigma ondersteun. Soos NOD, is díe paradigma ‘n produk van die Peace Research denkskool. As ‘n defensiewe idee het NOD, Suid-Afrika se oogmerk om betrekkinge met state in Suider-Afrika te verbeter, benadruk. NOD het verder ook SA se strategiese defensiewe postuur en gepaardgaande militêre doktrine bepaal en beklemtoon. Die ANC het NOD gebruik om die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) te transformeer en magsprojeksievermoëns af te skaal. Twee argumente word in hierdie studie benut om die aard van verdedigingsbeleidmaking in Suid-Afrika te beskryf, met die inagneming van die belangrikheid van NOD. Eerstens, dat beleidmakers ontvanklik is vir idees en modelle van nywerheidslande, ten spyte van die beperkte toepaslikheid en tekortkomings van sulke modelle. Tweedens, dat modelle deur verskeie belangegroepe gebruik kan word om beleid te beïnvloed. Die MRG en die SANW het NOD as ‘n teoretiese instrument benut om verdedigingsbeleid tot die bevordering van eie belange te beïnvloed. Verskeie eienskappe van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleidmaking is geïdentifiseer in die studie. Eerstens, dat die Grondwet nie die staat of die individu se veiligheid bo die ander stel nie. Dit veroorsaak botsende wêreldbeskouings van realisme en idealisme oor verdediging. Beleid behels dus dikwels kompromieë tussen die twee uitgangspunte. Tweedens, alhoewel die Grondwet voorsiening maak vir openbare deelname in beleidmaking, is daar nie gelyke ‘n verspreiding van mag tussen belangegroepe om beleid te beïnvloed nie. In die opsig is die wetgewende gesag en parlementêre komitees aansienlik swakker as die uitvoerende gesag.

This dissertation focuses on the local defence-related industry as a beneficiary under the Department of Defence’s defence industrial participation (DIP) programme, managed by Armscor. Attention is given to the main construct of the development theory and how the DIP process in South Africa compares with the international reciprocal trade phenomena commonly referred to as ‘countertrade’. The author does an in-depth analysis of the Government’s policy regarding the defence-related industry (DRI) that forms part of the local defence industrial base (DIB), as well as the DIP policy, procedures and practices and their subsequent bearing on the local defence industry. The study is further substantiated with a comprehensive review of the consequences and outcomes resulting from the largest defence package deal (SDP), signed in December 1999, between the Department of Defence and several major foreign original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and subsequently benchmarked against academic discourse on the subjects of international countertrade and development theories.

FC Erasmus became South Africa's defence minister in 1948 after two decades as a leading political organiser for the National Party. Although an architect of the Nationalists' post-war election victory he was not considered a minister of the first rank. Erasmus initiated a process of ridding the defence force of officers who he believed were associated with the Smuts government and replacing them with party supporters. As a result the military often lost experienced and talented officers. Erasmus felt that the armed services had been too British in ethos and appearance. He inaugurated tighter regulations on bi-lingualism, reintroduced boer rank titles, launched new uniforms and original medals and decorations, to the acclaim of the volk. His purpose was to have a defence force which was uniquely South African. Many of his policies came under attack not only from the United Party but also groups such as the Torch Commando and the veterans organisations. With the apparent lack of an imminent military threat to the apartheid government Erasmus never received substantial budgetary allocations from finance ministers. The defence force, one without conscription, remained small with largely antiquated equipment for the important air and land forces. However by the decade's end the navy was gradually receiving modern ships under the terms of the Simonstown agreement, which Erasmus had negotiated with Britain. The events of the Sharpeville crisis, just after Erasmus left defence, demonstrated that the armed forces as moulded by the minister were in poor condition to assist the civil power in suppressing disturbances. Overseas Erasmus hoped to increase the acceptability of the Union as a defence partner among Western countries by providing personnel for the Berlin Air Lift and the Korean conflict and promising a contingent for the Middle East. He attempted unsuccessfully to instigate anti-communist alliances for the land and maritime defence of Africa when the European powers were leaving the continent. These actions were primarily to obtain political support for the Union, whose prestige was rapidly decreasing as apartheid became better known. The external initiatives with the exception of the Simonstown naval agreements were not lasting.

D.Litt. et Phil. / If the hypothesis is correct, there will be a reciprocal effect between the military budget and the Gross Domestic Product. The higher the technological level of arms and arms production, the more this reciprocal effect will be interwoven with the process of economic growth. It is measured by input-output figures and the applicable industrial multiplier, calculated from them. Production of high technology arms stimulates growth, the higher the technology, the larger the miltary contribution to the GDP and to economic growth. From the resultant increase in in the GDP, the income of the State by way of taxes will also grow, subject tro a time lag. The increase in State revenue will return to the Treasury part of the State's original expenditure on defence. My study indicates that the applicable multiplier for defence spending is 3.70 and that the multiplier for arms production is above 4. The part of military expenditure returned to the State will therefore be sizable. Military expenditure is often viewed as competing with socially desirable civil expenditure, as a case of opportunity cost. I argue that oppotunity costs do not apply and that the stimulus economy derived from military expenditure via the multiplier, helps funding social projects along with other civil expenditure. The reasoning in this study can be extended to the funds invested in increasing the capital and technology intensity of the defence force, a modern trend which can be economically justified by the part of the investment that will be returned via the GDP. The way to escape the limitations imposed on defence strength by the availabiluity of manpower is exactly this modernisation of its technology. In this way a medium power can increase its relative strength to the leyel of the "strength threshold" at which an independent deterrent can be credibly presented. In these terms a critical value can be defined, expressed as a pecentage of GDP budgeted for defence, above which a country could be considered militarily safe.

M.A. (National Strategy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The defence industry was established for the purpose of providing the then South African Defence Force (SADF) with armaments before. The SADF was there to serve the government of the day. Since then, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has been established to fulfil the same as the SADF, but is much more credible and representative. Thus there has been both continuity and renewal. The idea of public policy presupposes that there is a sphere that is not private or purely individual, but is held in common. The public comprises that dimension of human activity that is regarded as requiring government or social regulation or intervention or at least common action. This related to the defence-related industries too, which require government intervention in ensuring that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) get involved in the defence industry in general. Public policy is really about defining what counts as public,who provides, who pays, and whom to pay. The modem meaning of 'policy' is that of a course of action or plan, a set of political purposes - as opposed to 'administration'. Policy is seen as rational, a manifestation of considered judgement. A policy is an attempt to define and structure a rational basis for action or inaction. Policy involves deliberate behaviour to pursue certain objectives. The distinction between action and inaction properly emphasises that policies can initiate change or resist change. Policy is intended to affect all or selected points of the external and internal environment of the political system. Policy consists of a series of actions and decisions. The policy needed by the defence-related industry in one that will allow the inflow of entrepreneurs with education to help them learn from the experienced engineers within the industry. The individual drive and interest will be the driving force for success as defined and understood by the free market economy without unnecessary government interference. The development of SMEs in the defence-related industry is part of the renewal of the defence industry. The manufacturing can be left to small firms requiring less capital and sophisticated machines and processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verdedigingsnywerheid is tot stand gebring om die destydse Suid-AfrikaanseWeermag (SAW) van krygstuig te voorsien. Die SAWwas daar om die regering van die dag te dien. Sedert die demokratiese verkiesing in 1994 is dit nou die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW), wat, alhoewel dit dieselfde funksie as die SAW vervul, meer geloofwaardig en meer verteenwoordigend is. Daar was dus kontinuïteit sowel as vernuwing. Die konsep van openbare beleid veronderstel 'n sfeer of terrein van lewe wat nie privaat of alleenlik individueel is nie, maar eerder gemeenskaplik Die openbare terrein is daardie dimensie van menslike aktiwiteit waarvoor staats- of sosiale regulering of intervensie nodig IS, of ten minste gemeenskaplike aksie. Dit het ook betrekking op die verdedigingsnywerheid, waar staatsintervensienodig is om te verseker dat klein en medium ondernemings by die verdedigingsnywerheidin die algemeen betrokke raak. Die doel met openbare beleid is eintlik om te bepaal wat openbaar is, wie verskaf, wie betaal, en wie betaal moet word. Die konsep van ''beleidbepaling'' is om bewustelik 'n keuse te maak tussen twee hoofalternatiewe vir loodsgemeenskappe. Die moderne betekenis van die begrip ''beleid'' behels 'n rigting of aksie of plan, 'n stel politiese oogmerke - in teenstelling met "administrasie". Beleid word gesien as rasioneel, 'n manifestasie van weloorwoë oordeel. Dit is byvoorbeeld ondenkbaar dat politici sou toegee dat hulle nie 'n beleid insake X het nie. Beleid is 'n poging om 'n rasionele grondslag vir aksie te bepaal en te struktureer. Namate 'n staat sy wetgewingsprosedures verander, so behels die funksies van ''beleid'' die skep van 'n aanneemlike storie, wat die skrywer se doel verseker en waarin beleid 'n rolspeler is. Die betekenis het betekenis. Die term ''beleid'' word gebruik om aan te toon dat daar 'n behoefte is om uit te klaar watter sosiale doelstellings gedien word deur die toedien (ook self-toedien) van wetenskaplike energie. Met ander woorde, die klem val spesifiek op die beleidwetenskap van demokrasie, waar realisering van menswaardigheid, in teorie en in praktyk, die uiteindelike doelwit is.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het sy diplomatieke bande met Taiwan verbreek en hegte diplomatieke bande met Sjina in 1998 aangeknoop. Hierdie hegte verhouding wat tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina ontwikkel het, word dikwels deur politici, die media en vakbonde veroordeel as nadelig vir Suid-Afrika. Ten einde hierdie veroordelings te staaf, of te weerlê, is ‘n analise van die politieke, ekonomiese en militêre verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina onderneem. Aangesien Suid-Afrika voor 1998 verhoudinge met Taiwan gehandhaaf het, kon die verhouding wat tans tussen Suid-Afrika en Sjina bestaan, vergelyk word met die vorige verhouding met Taiwan. Die verhandeling kon gevolglik tot ’n gevolgtrekking kom rakende die verhouding. / In 1998 South Africa broke off diplomatic ties with Taiwan when it established full relations with China. Since then, South Africa’s ties with China have been frequently criticised by politicians, the media and trade unions as disadvantageous to South Africa. To refute or confirm this perception, an analysis of the political, economic and military ties between South Africa and China has been undertaken. South Africa’s relations with Taiwan prior to 1998 are the basis for the comparison of South Africa’s relations with China. As a result, this dissertation is able to reach a conclusion regarding these ties. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)