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The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013Sithole, Abel Moffat 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has
become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC
has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship
with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s
involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western
countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural
endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains
insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations.
South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its
significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic
resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and
complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first
developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic
partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international
relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary
bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former.
Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South
Africa.
The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is
admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable
partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the
PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this
study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource
extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses
asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what
underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the
implications this may have on their relationship in the future
This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and
methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of
complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation
of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert
hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from
friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and
diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership.
From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary.
South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa
and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow
that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African
continent and elsewhere.
The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the
PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the
motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations.
The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC
that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the
international system. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die
ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in
wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog
om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die
res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en
verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek,
relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid
by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse
betrekkinge.
Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die
belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook.
Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in
diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid-
Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese
vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly
in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone
bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as
eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met
Suid-Afrika
Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing
wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid-
Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en
rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid-
Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes
is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat
Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in
internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig.
Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie.
Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te
bestudeer.
Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack
(2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede
waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en
waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te
omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in
vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke
ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap.
Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie
betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend.
Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in
Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis
wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime
en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en
elders.
Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die
bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan.
Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die
vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal.
Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en
die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die
internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.
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The effect of foreign direct investment on inequality : the case of South AfricaMsweli, Pumela 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This work empirically examines South African data covering the years 1956-2011 to look into the relationship between FDI and inequality. By investigating how FDI is linked to inequality, policy makers would be better poised to develop policies that optimise on the benefits of FDI without the dampening effect of inequality. The benefits of FDI, particularly to the South African economy, are that it provides capital to finance investment by bridging the savings gap in the country. In addition to that, FDI facilitates transfer of technology and managerial skills from the source country. Moreover, FDI has a positive impact on balance of payment not only because of the impact capital inflow has on balance of payment, but because FDI also promotes exports of the country to world markets. Empirical evidence presented in literature suggests that the FDI-inequality relationship is complex. In some locations, for example in the US, Latin America and in some developing countries, FDI tends to raise income inequality. In other locations evidence is inconclusive.
The results of this study showed that there is a negative relationship between inequality and foreign direct investment for the period examined in the study. This finding is not consistent with the a priori expectation that foreign direct investment increases inequality. Contrary to what has been predicted, the findings show that foreign direct investment is likely to reduce inequality. The findings also show that there is a statistically significant and positive relationship between GDP and inequality.
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Gedrag van die handelsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die Europese Gemeenskap gedurende die tydperk van sanksieverligting, 1988 - hede06 March 2014 (has links)
M.Comm. (Economics) / The objective of this dissertation was to examine the effects of the European Union on the external trade relations of South Africa during the period of the lifting of sanctions, 1988 current. The rules for trade with third countries like South Africa, are formulated by the Council of Ministers. The Commission of the European Communities is primarily responsible for implementing the rules and regulations approved by the Council. Recent developments in the Union, such as the completion of the single market programme, had a profound effect on the Union's trade with third countries. South Africa is no longer in a position to negotiate with the individual member states of the Union, but must deal with the institutions of the European Union like the Commission, the Council and the European Court. In 1994 the member states of the European Union and the five member states of the European Free Trade Area formed the European Economic Area with a population of more than 385 million. The European Union has several preferential trade arrangements with developed and developing countries. It provides different degrees of preferences to various groups of developing countries. The depth and breadth of these preferences are not necessarily related to the level of development of the recipient country. A hierarchy of preferences can be distinguished, the so-called pyramid of preferences. The most important of these arrangements, and at the top of the hierarchy, is the agreement with the 70 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP countries), the Lome Convention. The Union abides by the most favoured nation rule of the newly formed World Trade Organisation. Its preferential trade arrangements are within the rules of the World Trade Organisation. South Africa's future arrangements with the Union will have to be formulated within the rules and regulations of the World Trade Organisation. South Africa, as a developed country, was included in the Union's generalised system of preferences (GSP) since September 1994. There are several possibilities for South Africa to negotiate a preferential trade agreement with the Union. It is possible for South Africa to obtain qualified membership of the Lome Convention. The ACP countries have agreed to South Africa's qualified membership of the Convention at the Joint Assembly between the ACP countries and the Union in Gabon in 1994. At this stage it is not clear what South Africa's qualified membership of the Convention will entail. It is expected that South Africa will be excluded from the trade preferences under the Lome Convention. If this is the case, South Africa can negotiate a bilateral agreement to include those aspects that are excluded from its qualified membership of Lome. Almost 77 per cent of South Africa's exports in 1992 entered the Union duty free. In 1993 nearly 80 per cent of South Africa's imports came from the northern member states of the Union, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Ireland and Luxembourg, while only 20 ver cent came from the southern member states, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece.
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Profiling the enterprises involved in Africa-China business cooperation.Chen, Qi. January 2013 (has links)
M. Tech. Entrepreneurship / This study explored the extent of co-operation between South African and Chinese small and medium-sized businesses. The researcher investigated the existing strategies and co-operation models of successful and unsuccessful Chinese small and medium-sized businesses that engage in business with South African businesses, identified the co-operation approaches followed by both successful and unsuccessful Chinese small and medium-sized businesses and explained the advantages and shortcomings of both successful and unsuccessful Chinese businesses in South Africa.
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Economic dependence and Malawi's foreign policy posture toward South AfricaSmith, Hevina N. January 1985 (has links)
No description available.
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South Africa's international financial relations, 1970-1987 : history, crisis and transformation.Padayachee, Mahavishnu. January 1989 (has links)
This thesis examines South Africa's relations with the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private international banks
in the period 1970-1987. The thesis is written in the language, and
uses the conceptual tools, of 'regulation theory', an approach
whose emphasis on 'time-changing' empirically-grounded explanations
of a country's global interactions, it is suggested, represents an
advance over modernisation and dependency approaches.
The thesis traces the altered circumstances of the international
financial system since the early 1970s. It points to the struggle
by the IMF to come to terms with these changes in harmonising a
new international financial system. The IMF has, however, increased
its supervisory power in relation to most countries in the
developing world, especially after the oil-price hike of 1973. The
basis for, and implications of, the explosion in private
international bank lending in this period is also examined.
This analysis is followed by an examination of the crisis in the
South African political economy since the early 1970s and of the
way this crisis was influenced by global events. It is argued that
South Africa's international economic relations were transformed
by both global and domestic forces and came to be dominated by
issues of international finance.
The second part of the thesis examines South Africa's relations
with the IMF and private international banks. This relationship
was supportive of the apartheid state's development strategy for
most of the period 1970-1985. It is argued that until the 1980s,
the relationship also benefited the western industrialised
countries who profited both materially and strategically, from
their economic relations with South Africa.
However, in 1983, the US imposed restrictions on its support for
IMF loans to South Africa. By mid-1985 a combination of political
and economic changes within South Africa forced some foreign banks
to withdraw their normal credit facilities to South Africa. These
events precipitated a dramatic change for the worse in South
Africa's international financial relations. It is argued that
although there has been some improvement in these relations since
1987, the country's relations with the IMF and banks have not
returned to their previous mostly supportive character. A
combination of international, regional and domestic economic and
political factors has ensured that the current crisis in South
Africa's international financial relations is already deeper, more
prolonged, and more damaging to growth prospects, than the crisis
of the mid-1970s. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.
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Assessing the implications of South Africa's commercial expansion in the rest of Africa.Lutchman, Jessica. January 2005 (has links)
No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.
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Economic and social integration of Mozambican migrants in Durban.Nhambi, Simao Manuel. January 2008 (has links)
Economic migration has become a global trend. The movement of people and goods within and beyond territorial boundaries is a phenomenon synonymous with the twentieth century. In the Southern African region, migratory processes were accelerated by the 19th century mineral discoveries in the Cape and Transvaal. Mozambique, particularly its southern regions, was drawn into the South African- dominated economy in a service capacity, as the supplier of migrant labour, principally for the Transvaal. The mineral wealth and the development it generated made South Africa the dominant economy in the region, drawing in migrant labour from surrounding states. Today, mining activities and the Transvaal are no longer the main attraction for many Mozambicans who enter South Africa, as they have spread throughout the country since the ending of apartheid. This study is focused on Durban, where a combination of push and pull factors continues to impel Mozambicans to arrive in search of economic opportunities. The majority, who are from the rural areas of the southern provinces, without education and formal qualifications, enter South Africa illegally and without documentation. Migrants use informal networks and the informal sector, as a means of overcoming the various obstacles to entry imposed by the states on both sides of the frontier, and their inability to compete for jobs in the formal sector. Economic and social integration of Mozambicans in Durban has evolved around informality and it can be argued that if the Mozambicans in this study have achieved a certain degree of integration, this has been due to successful mobilization of resources provided by informal networks and the informal sector. Linguistic affinities and geographical proximity also play a significant role in the process. The study looks at various informal economic opportunities exploited by Mozambicans, including an expanding cross border- trade based on high mobility between the two countries. It focuses mainly on the varied ways Mozambicans in Durban achieve a degree of economic and social integration. Literature and debates on international migration and on informality lay a foundation for the approach to the study, which is based on an historical overview of migration between the two states and fieldwork in Durban and southern Mozambique. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.
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The China-South Africa relationship : an economic and political assessment of benefits and costs.Phungula, Noluthando. January 2013 (has links)
China’s massive growth has left her in need of new energy and raw materials sources to fuel her fast developing economy. Consequently, China has turned to the African region to meet such critical needs. To this end, China’s emerging economy appears to be associated with an increasing strengthening of its political and economic relations with sub-Saharan African countries, particularly with South Africa. At the same time, South Africa is also enjoying improved relations be it economic, political and social with China. This research has three tasks: first it will examine the impact of the China- South Africa political and economic relations on the socio-economic fabric of South Africa. Secondly, this project will ascertain the opportunities and challenges presented by China’s relations with South Africa. Finally, this study will investigate whether this relationship is mutually beneficial or one-sided. A combination of the realism, Balance of Power, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and notions from the Liberalist approach to International Political Economy theories will be used in explaining the China – South Africa relationship. The study will mainly take the form of a qualitative study and will mainly entail the examination, analysis and interpretation of documentary secondary data published in a variety of financial journals, non-profit organisations such as the Trade Law Centre for Southern Africa (TRALAC) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), government departments, reports and articles in the media as well as research conducted by other students. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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Causal layered analysis of South Africa's inclusion in BRICSMaliti, Viwe Anda Ntombikayise Unknown Date (has links)
This treatise is undertaken with the purpose of investigating, through the application of the critical futures technique, causal layered analysis (CLA), the case for South Africa’s inclusion in the BRICS alliance. CLA is explored as a technique that allows for the creation of transformative knowledge which contextualises our reality, enabling techniques for exploring different alternatives that lead to outcomes. In an attempt to understand the unique features that underscore these emerging economies and why they are considered the engines behind global economic growth, the member states’ economies are systematically deconstructed. By analysing key economic variables, strengths and weaknesses, CLA allows for the development of conclusive narratives regarding the legitimacy of all BRICS economies. This study discusses the motivation for the formation of this alliance and its role in the global economy. It demonstrates and sorts out the different views concerning its dreams and aspirations. The all-inclusive nature of CLA allows for the consideration of a wide range of perspectives that seek to clarify motives behind the convergence of the BRICS economies to form an alliance. South Africa’s membership is assessed, using both the economic and political schools of thought. On a balance of a number of dominant views, considered valid, that either support or reject the inclusion of South Africa, this study demonstrates that whether or not it belongs amongst the major emerging countries is an absurd question. It thus proposes that a pertinent question to ask is one that explores ways in which South Africa can effectively capitalise on its BRICS membership to drive its own economic growth.
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