From the late 1830s Boer settlers conquered and settled vast new lands outside the Cape Colony. Although they more than doubled the area of European domination, historians have categorised Boer society outside the British colonies as primitive and dismissed the Boer conquests as an abberation from the broader process of European expansion. Such a distinction is no longer tenable. This study, which focuses on the Obrigstad/Lydenburg area, shows that the Boers were an integral part of European expansion in southern Africa. Settler expansion did not occur in a vacuum. Booming demand for commodities sparked economic growth across the sub-continent; the Boers were part of this process and consistently strove to produce for the region's expanding markets. In tandem with the expanding regional system, the Boer economy grew constantly. This was reflected in the centralisation of power in the Z.A.R. as Boer producers created formal political and administrative structures to further their economic interests. (A parallel process culminated in the Cape with colonists receiving representative government in March 1853.) This correlation between political and economic development was evident in the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boer state. Through their control of state structures, the Boers employed measures ranging from brute force to punitive taxation, legally enforceable contracts and pass laws to procure and control workers. It is important to note that the creation of a coercive labour system by the Boers paralleled similar developments in the Cape Colony. The speed with which the Boer economy expanded in comparison to the Cape, however, meant that stages in the development of an unfree labour force which had been chronologically distinct in the Cape coexisted within the Boer coercive system. Boer dependence on coerced labour made conflict with African groups inevitable. African groups in the eastern Transvaal had already been partly moulded by predatory economic forces emanating from the Portuguese settlements on the east coast since at least the 1750s. The arrival of the Boers in the 1840s greatly accelerated this process. Some groups were crushed, but others were able to obtain the means to resist Boer rule by interfacing with the settler economy. The economic forces which drove Boer settlement were thus not confined to the white settlers: Boer expansion was paralleled by the rise of African survivor states. The Dlamini, for example, built the powerful Swazi state by exchanging captives, ivory and cattle for guns and horses. Similarly, the Pedi, through the large scale expon of migrant labour, were able to acquire the means to challenge Boer authority in the late 1870s. Oearly then, the Boers 'Were not only representative of the wider settler social and economic order, but were acting in response to the same circumstances as the British settlers, Portuguese traders and African survivor states. It is thus impossible to continue to classify them as retrogressive and distinct from other groups in the region.

This study is a venture in urban history in that although housing has been the subject of a number of recent studies, little attempt has been made within the British urban history framework to give serious study to what lies behind the architectural facade, the material domestic culture of an urban community. An important objective of this study is to examine the material culture of domestic dwellings in early Victorian Grahamstown, also referring to other parts of the Cape Colony. Where possible these facts are related to the occupants of the dwellings. No community, urban or rural, can be divorced from the influences which lie beyond its immediate locality in region or metropol. As a preliminary to this study the urban background of industrial Britain is examined, as are English and Dutch cultural influences on the interiors of Cape homes in general. The occupational stratification and spatial structure of early Victorian Grahamstown are then explored, leading into· a discussion of the material domestic culture of the interiors of Grahamstown dwellings. In the final analysis, this study is an attempt to uncover the character of early Victorian Grahamstown and its possible implications for English cultural influences at the Cape. In so doing, not only what constitutes the domestic material culture of Grahamstown is established, but beyond that, a comparison made with domestic material cultural developments in another colonial, though not frontier, settlement with roots in Georgian and Victorian England, namely Australia.

The history of the Albania Settlement of Griqualand West is examined from its beginnings in 1866 to its demise in 1878. Albania was very much a product of its time. Nineteenth century British colonial policy was basically expansionist, despite minor fluctuations caused by the various influences affecting it, such as the Free Trade and Mercantilist doctrines, social factors within Britain and events within the colonies themselves. From 1815 colonial settlements were fairly common in British territory, especially after Wakefield had provided a convincing theoretical framework for them. Within South Africa itself there are differing interpretations of what motivated British policy and of the role of the missionaries, while the changing political and economic landscape markedly affected Britain's decisions. British Government settlement schemes were undertaken mainly for social or military reasons, but there were also many settlements founded by land speculators. The economically depressed 1860s hit the Eastern Cape hard and this, combined with the transition to sheep farming, which created considerable land hunger, made the Albania scheme attractive to Eastern Cape farmers. The Griqua people led by Andries Waterboer had made a great effort to establish hegemony north of the Orange River, over the Sotho-Tswana and other Griqua chiefs. By 1866 the attempt had failed and Free State farmers were encroaching onto Nicholas Waterboer's lands. When Waterboer's agent, David Arnot, proposed the establishment of a settlement of Albany men to act as a "Wall of Flesh", Waterboer accepted the idea. Arnot's motivation was also land speculation in an area where diamonds were likely to push up land values. From its inception the settlement was dogged by quarrels, mainly over land, amongst the parties involved - the Griqua, brutally removed to make way for the settlers; the settlers, dissatisfied with the land tenure system and their administration; Arnot; the British and the encroaching Boer farmers . After the 1871 annexation of Griqualand West, into which Albania was absorbed, it took seven years, two Land Commissions, a Land Court and a special Land Claims Commissioner to sort out the tangled claims and bring order to the area and Albania's history to a close.

James Brownlee was born in April 1824. He was the second of three sons (and five daughters) born to the missionary John Brownlee, and his colonial born wife Catharine. The importance of James as an historical character is obscured by that of his father and elder brother Charles. James had a varied career which was cut short by his untimely death in March 1851 at the youthful age of twenty-six years and eleven months. We are fortunate that he has left a vivid account of several aspects of the seventh Frontier War in a diary which he kept from April to September 1846. The diary also points to the significance of his family in the history of the Eastern Cape. Thesis, p. 1.

J.C. Chase was an 1820 settler who travelled to the Cape with Bailie's party. He was a man of some standing and education. There is evidence that he was a member of the Worshipful Company of Founders, whose arms were later adopted by Aliwal North, but he was reputedly a bookseller in London in 1819. Clearly the reading and writing of books were among his chief preoccupations at the Cape. He was particularly interested in travel and exploration and was one of the early white visitors to Griqualand. But his main objective at the Cape was probably to seek the security of a government appointment, and he held quite a succession of offices until he secured a permanent post in the administration. Even then he was moved from Graham's Town to Albert before he found his niche at Uitenhage, where he was Civil Commissioner and Resident Magistrate from 1849 to 1863. Intro., p.1.

[From Introduction]. The name of John Fairbairn is remembered with honour in South Africa for the part he played in the achievement of a freer press in the Cape Colony, in the campaign to prevent Britain from establishing a convict station on Cape soil, and in the movement which resulted in the establishment of a form of representative government in the Cape in 1853. More controversial is his share, as the editor of the first modern newspaper in the Colony, in a campaign to secure just treatment for the natives both inside and outside of the Colony. It is with his treatment of the conflicts, both small and great, between the Colony and the AmaXhosa tribes on its Eastern Frontier that this study is concerned.

This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.

In recent years, increasing interest has been taken in the career of Andries Stockenstrom. Detailed study of his policy as Landdrost of Graaff-Reinet , as Commissioner-General of the Eastern Districts, and as Lieutenant-Governor, has brought about a realization of the soundness and value of much of his work. This appreciation of the sterling qualities of Stockenstrom's character- despite his undoubtedly difficult temperament - has led to the tacit assumption that the accusations which were levelled against him, and the odium in which he was held in Albany, after his evidence before the Aborigines Committee 1835 -1836, were largely the result of unfortunate newspaper propaganda. That evidence, it is implied - coming as it did at a time when public opinion was peculiarly sensitive to criticism - was in fact, not as black as it had been painted. Yet the events of the period between the Commissioner-Generalship and the Lieutenant- Governorship have not only coloured the judgment upon Stockenstrom of almost every writer on South African history, but so influenced contemporary public opinion as to materially impair the efficiency of his Lieutenant-Governorship. In writing this thesis, it has heen my purpose to make a detailed study of such material as is available for the period 1833-1836, and to endeavour, by an analysis of the evidence more particularly in the light of the years before 1833, to set this significant period in Stockenstrom' s career in its right perspective.

The Depression of 1929-1933 was a world-wide phenomenon, in which "no aspect of the economy, no part of the world, escaped devastation". ¹ Accordingly the study of a medium sized rural town in South Africa during the period of the Depression, should show effects and reactions that were, in general, indicative of worldwide trends. In choosing Graaff- Reinet, I felt that being a close-knit community , with its urban and rural populations closely associated with each other, and the white, coloured and black sections of the population interdependent, it adequately represented a microcosm of South Africa as a whole. Then, too, Graaff- Reinet was ideally suited to illustrate the reality, that in South Africa during the Depression " the farmers were the most heavily hit of all". ² The single most significant product of the Graaff- Reinet district was wool, which at the time of the Depression was South Africa's second most important export, and consequently the well-being of the whole district depended largely on the market performance of this product . During the Depression the price of wool dropped drastically and the Graaff-Reinet farmers suffered in consequence . Graaff-Reinet also went, almost according to a blueprint, through the general phases of the Depression. The privations of the farming community led to the financial embarrassment of the local financial institutions causing their collapse , which in its turn led to the widespread hardship of everyone in the town. But these events all had a particular Graaff-Reinet quality, and the twists to the general outline are rooted deep in the local character of the district . Historically Graaff-Reinet is extremely interesting. It is the fourth oldest town in South Africa, being established in 1786, and in studying Graaf-Reinet one cannot but become conscious of the immense tradition and the awareness of history , which all its people have. The study itself starts with a general outline of the Worldwide Depre ssion, its causes and results, then moves on to the Depression in South Africa . The study of Graaff-Reinet in the Depression is divided into three basic sections, the Farmers, the Townspeople, and the Politics of Graaff-Reinet during the Depression. All three contain their own sub-divisions dealing with different aspects. In the Graaff-Reinet sections are included references to national events, tying them to, and explaining the course of, local happenings. In short the study becomes the story of how the Depression effected the people of Graaff-Reinet, how they suffered during this period and how they reacted to it. A final concluding section deals with their general recovery from the Depression. ¹ Heaton, H. : Kruger, D. W. The Economic History of Europe. p. 696. ²The Making of a Nation; a history of the Union of South Africa 19l0 - 1960. p. 158.

From Introduction: This work considers the period from Union, 31 May 1910 until promulgation of the Income Tax Act No. 40 of 1925.(1) It will describe the means, both financial and otherwise, by which the fledgling Government of the Union of South Africa contrived to balance its budget, and will consider the various sources of revenue available up to 1914, when the Government of Gen. Louis Botha first decided that a tax on income was necessary in order to maintain the solvency of the new State. Similarly the political pressures which shaped the nature of the Income Tax Acts up to 1925 will be discussed, and the political principles (or expediencies, depending on the degree of cynicism of the reader) which led the parties in power from time to time to make the decisions they did regarding the provisions of the various Acts. The effect of external political situations such as the Great War of 1914 - 1918 will be examined, as will the consequences of the rebellion of 1914 and the strikes of 1913 and 1922. The legislation predictably spawned a considerable body of litigation as taxpayers hastened to find and exploit loopholes in it; the resultant Income Tax Cases, in the Income Tax Special Court, Supreme Court and Appeal Court, formed the embryo of a body of judicial precedent which today encompasses some two thousand case reports. A few of the cases decided in the period up to 1925 are still quoted today; for example, CIR v Lunnon 1924 AD 1 SATC 7. The relevant cases from the period will enjoy consideration, with descriptions of how their verdicts affected either subsequent income tax principles or later legislation. Also considered will be the inception during this period of the way in which income tax legislation largely develops: the legislature promulgates an Act, the taxpayers discover legitimate ways to reduce their tax burden and the Minister of Finance consequently causes the Act to be changed in order to protect the tax base. Thereupon the resolute taxpayers seek loopholes anew. The effect of economic conditions on income tax legislation will engage attention; several such conditions cast their shadows into the House of Assembly during that 15 year period, notably the post-war recession and the drought of 1919. The selection of this period is apposite for several reasons: it covers the period during which income tax legislation came into being; - it includes several notable political occurrences. thus making possible a consideration of their effect on income tax legislation; it includes a natural cataclysm. namely a major drought. which also had an effect on subsequent Income Tax Acts; - a sufficient number of income tax cases was heard during the period to afford a fair indication both of how the body of case law would develop and how it would perpetually interplay with the legislation; it clearly illustrates the differences between the two great political parties of the time, differences largely caused by the vested interests of each; the dominant South African Party, with its need to retain the support of the commercial and particularly the mining sectors, and the smaller but even then growing National Party with its face set firmly towards the rural constituencies and the embattled farmers; - the period culminates in the Income Tax Act of 1925, a significant change from its predecessors, and the second Income Tax Act of the Pact Government. The imposition of taxes by the respective provinces does not form part of this work, as the scope of the discussion is limited to the various Income Tax Acts, and their development has been overseen by the central government.