Habilitationsschrift - Cologne. / Bibliography: p. [279]-296.

This dissertation offers the first in depth examination of the government of garrisons in England between the 1560s and the 1630s, via the close examination of three case studies: the garrisons at Plymouth, Portsmouth and Berwick-upon-Tweed. The garrisons located at vulnerable locations along England’s frontier existed to help maintain the internal peace and safety of the realm. The central government, the crown and the privy council, and those who lived in these vulnerable areas agreed about the value and necessity of defence. They also agreed that defence served the larger goal of stable and orderly domestic government. They disagreed, however, over the government of garrisons. The central government and those upon whom it relied to govern in the localities thus entered into negotiations over the nature of garrison government. In these negotiations, the Elizabethan central government regularly and successfully asserted the queen’s right to appoint a garrison captain and successfully maintained him in his jurisdiction once appointed. The regime took specific, goal oriented action to maintain the stable and Protestant polity that was, in their view, established under Elizabeth I. The result was expansion of the state. This study questions, therefore, the extent to which the early modern English state expanded through an undirected process of state formation. While the garrisons under study here reveal that England underwent significant military development during this period, these garrisons still did not constitute a standing army. The Elizabethan central government still lacked the physical coercive power to implement their ambitions without recourse to negotiation. Domestic garrisons reveal, however, that state building occurred not in spite of the fact that power was negotiated, but rather because it was negotiated. The central government’s hand at the bargaining table was not as weak as is sometimes portrayed, particularly with regard to military matters. Defence of the realm was part of the royal prerogative and so actions taken concerning the government of garrisons carried considerable legitimacy. Moreover, as the font of all official authority within the state, the central government was the ultimate arbiter of jurisdictional dispute. Those who possessed official authority in early modern England feared the diminution of that authority, through actions perceived as illegitimate, in the eyes of those over whom they governed. Equally unpalatable, however, was the diminishing of one’s authority through the encroachment of the authority of another. Against this eventuality, one’s only recourse was the central government.

Thesis (M. P. A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2004. / "Fall 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-86).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Hong Kong Baptist University, 1999. / Thesis submitted to the Dept. of Government and International Studies. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-148).

The field of state budget is very topical and crucial for the future economic development of the country. The aim of this thesis is to map the political process of state budget production and endorsement. It shows the level of its affectability under the current conditions, if the state budget is only a result of wrong political decisions. The thesis discusses the process of the state budget production and endorsement itself. It also shows the state budget structure when identifying the most significant items of the state budget. The second part presents state budgets under the different Czech governments since 1993. One state budget of each government is further examined. Its production, endorsement and final performance is described. It shows the key items change under the different governments. It searches for similar tendences among governments and focuses on items which are the source of imbalances of the state budget. This thesis offers the insight to different government state budgets, in order to discuss if balanced state budget is under the current conditions attainable, whether its deficit character is determined by the process itself.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Mississippi State University. Department of Political Science and Public Administration. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre_Arienti_Ramos.pdf: 1529221 bytes, checksum: 992da8fa9b8d86aef19051ab09465cbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-30 / This study deals with policies concerning Brazilian War Industries in the years 2003-2013, chaired by PT. In order to do so, it also analyzes Defense Policies in broad terms. Furthermore, we investigate the actions of the sector in order to promote its project through the participation of its intellectuals in forums and government committees. We also try to understand the organization of a certain discourse of the industrial sector in the press. In summary, we could observe that fractions of the War Industries have been successful in setting the agenda of policies for the sector, getting a number of benefits in tax, regulatory and protectionist terms. They also managed to make his project the majoritarian one for War Industries, regarding the format of private enterprises. In addition to analyzing the Political Defense, especially the ones focused on the War Industry, we performed a set of case studies of equipment purchasing programs by the Brazilian Armed Forces with the intent of understanding the real sense of the effective application of the policies listed. Through the contrast between political discourse and the real exercise of purchasing policies, we perceive a certain disharmony. If, on one hand, the discourse is based on nationalist arguments and promote autonomous development of technologies, the reality was marked by a process of denationalization of these sectors of the Brazilian War Industries through a subordinate integration to the international giants of War Industry / O presente trabalho trata das Políticas referentes à Indústria Bélica brasileira nos anos de 2003-2013, de presidência petista. Para tanto são analisadas também as Políticas de Defesa em termos amplos. Além disso, investigamos a atuação do setor no sentido de promover seu projeto por meio da participação de seus intelectuais em fóruns e comissões governamentais. Também buscamos perceber a articulação do discurso do setor industrial na imprensa. Em síntese, conseguimos constatar como frações da Indústria Bélica foram bem sucedidas em estabelecer a pauta das Políticas para o setor, conquistando um conjunto de benefícios, fiscais, regulatórios e protecionistas. Ainda conseguiram tornar majoritário seu projeto de Indústria Bélica, quanto ao formato privado dos empreendimentos. Além da análise das Políticas de Defesa, especialmente as voltadas para a indústria, realizamos um conjunto de estudos de casos de programas de aquisição de equipamentos pelas Forças Armadas brasileiras, com a intenção de entender os reais sentidos da aplicação efetiva das políticas elencadas. Da contraposição entre o discurso político e o exercício real das políticas de aquisição, percebemos certo descompasso. Enquanto que o discurso se fundamenta em argumentos nacionalistas e de desenvolvimento autônomo de tecnologias, a realidade foi marcada por um relativo processo de desnacionalização de setores da Indústria Bélica brasileira, por meio de uma integração tecnológica e financeiramente subalterna às gigantes internacionais do setor bélico

In this work, I covered the sustainability of public finances in Greece, reachability of target values of debt to GDP ratio, analysis of impacts of the debt crisis in a political and social context, structure of the state budget and an evaluation of the implemented reforms. On the basis of technical publications, examples of debt crises in Asia and Latin America and recommendations from OECD, EC, NERV and IOBE I summarized the reform directions and steps to reach a sustainable state of public finances in Greece.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Humberto Cesar Machado.pdf: 377442 bytes, checksum: ed5ff1620b718171125e0122e0fa5ac2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-02-22 / This research was developed with the objective to contribute to a bather understanding of the state and knowledge of social representations over the government. Six hundred subjects participated in this study, university students studying law, social services and economy from one of the universities in Goiânia. To know the description presented by these three groups, the Center for Social Representations Nucleus theory was used. This research was dividend into two parts with the intention of collecting data, there hundred subjects at first and another three hundred after. For the decomposition of the results from the inductor term. In the second s stage, the results were submitted to an investigation called the similitude analysis that results in joining salient and less salient words presented by the subjects researched in the first stage. These results produced a synthetic picture of relevant words in reference to each one of the groups. Founded upon this information. Pairs of words were presented to the subjects in whom they had to construct phrases, the results hound wire the object of analysis of the context that presented a superficial and functional perspective in relation to social representation of the government. The subjects are all still active academic students therefore not having a structured knowledge, giving the impression that they didn t perceive the government as being important. The resulting conclusion was that there was no social representation in the exact meaning of the word, it is dispersed or is part of another representation. / Essa pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o objetivo de contribuir para um melhor entendimento do Estado e o conhecimento das representações sociais sobre o governo. Participaram deste estudo seiscentos sujeitos, estudantes universitários dos cursos de Direito, Serviço Social e Economia de uma Universidade de Goiânia. Para conhecer a descrição apresentada por esses três grupos, foi utilizado o método da Teoria do Núcleo Central das representações sociais. Essa pesquisa foi dividida em duas partes no intuito de coletar dados, trezentos sujeitos em um primeiro momento e outros trezentos em um segundo momento. Para a decomposição dos resultados da primeira etapa, foi utilizado o método de análise das evocações, que se resume em um processo de associação livre de palavras ou expressões a partir de um termo indutor. Na segunda etapa, os resultados foram submetidos a uma investigação chamada de análise de similitude, que resulta na reunião de palavras salientes e menos salientes apresentadas pelos sujeitos pesquisados na primeira etapa. Esses resultados produziram um quadro sintético de palavras relevantes referentes a cada um dos grupos. Fundamentado nesses dados, foram apresentados aos sujeitos duplas de palavras para que fossem construídas frases a partir das mesmas, as respostas encontradas foram objeto de análise de conteúdo que apresentaram uma perspectiva funcional e superficial em relação à representação social de governo. Os sujeitos têm uma prática acadêmica, porém, não estruturada ao conhecimento, dando a impressão que eles não percebem o governo como sendo importante. A conclusão a que se chegou, foi que, não há uma representação social no sentido exato da palavra, ela esta dispersa ou fazem parte de uma outra representação.