(in English): The aim of this thesis is to present the personality of Anne of Silesia at several levels: as king's daughter, wife, mother, duchess, foundress and candidate to holiness. The initial part sums up the phenomenon of female sanctity in the 13th century influenced both by new religious orders and by the ideal of "holy ruler" pursued by Anne of Silesia as well. The biographical chapter that follows deals especially with Anne's activities as the duchess of Silesia and benefactress of ecclesiastical institutions. It is based on extraordinarily rich diplomatic material. Though Anne of Silesia did not reach official canonization, a Latin legend on her survived which testifies that a certain religious veneration of her existed. The final part of the thesis studies the legend using the comparative analysis method, that is comparing Anne's legend with those of her more famous predecessors and relatives, Elizabeth of Thuringia, Hedwig of Silesia and Agnes of Bohemia. The thesis concludes that the position of Anne of Silesia after her husband's death was extraordinarily strong for the given period, and formulates the hypothesis that Anne may have held the land in indivisible ownership with her son. It is impossible to find an unequivocal answer to the question why Anne did not reach official...

This dissertation compares the family and marriage traditions of the Ashantis of Ghana and Ancient Hebrews. Some common features characterize the two societies, principal among which is the idea that having children is the key purpose of marrieage above love and intimacy. Others are the low status of the wife in the domestic context; endogamy rules based on consanguinity; and payment of bride price. However, the two traditions differ in important areas. For example, the Ashantis follow kinship system based on matrilineal descent, succession and inheritance and the girl child is preferred. The patriarchal system of the Ancient Hebrews invest all authority in the father and the male heirs is preferred. Other defining factor in Ashanti and Pentateuchcal marriage is their religion and belief systems. Much of the marriage traditions seem to be cultural references rather than religious imperatives binding on Christians today. / Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies / Thesis (M.Th.)

L’objet de cette thèse de doctorat est l’étude systématique des mentions, des appellations et des titres des femmes de la dynastie Julio-Claudienne, dans les sources littéraires et épigraphiques. L’étude des appellations des femmes impériales durant la première époque du Principat s’insère dans l’axe de la recherche contemporaine qui vise à définir les espaces et les modalités d’action des femmes pendant l’antiquité classique, et en particulier pendant la phase délicate de transition entre la République romaine et le Principat. En effet, le passage entre la République et la nouvelle forme de gouvernement a également marqué un changement important dans la situation des femmes, car les modalités d’action des femmes, jusqu’alors confinées dans une sphère domestique et privée, évoluèrent. Cette thèse est organisée en deux parties : une première partie dédiée à l’étude et à l’analyse des appellations des femmes impériales et une deuxième partie, intitulée annexe, qui recueille et organise systématiquement tous les témoignages littéraires et épigraphiques pour chaque femme de la famille Julio-Claudienne. Notre but a été, par notre recherche doctorale sur les appellations des femmes de la dynastie Julio-Claudienne, d’avancer dans la définition des espaces d’action de ces femmes au début de l’Empire ainsi que dans la connaissance du rôle des femmes au sein de la cour impériale ; cette étude permet d’analyser en détail les rapports de parenté complexes qui lient les figures féminines concernées aux personnages masculins de la domus impériale ou à des figures qui s’y rapportent / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the appellations, names and titles of the women of Julio-Claudian family in literary and epigraphic sources. The analysis and study of the appellations of these imperial women during the first period of the Roman Empire, is part of the contemporary research that seeks to define the spaces and action modalities of women during the time of classical antiquity and in particular, the period of transition from the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire. In fact, the passage of the Roman Republic to a new form of government marked a significant change in the situation of women, especially for the women of the imperial domus. Women, who until then were normally confined to a domestic and private sphere, acquired and exercised new action modalities within new spheres of action. This thesis is organized in two sections: the first part of the study analyses the names, appellations and titles of imperial women and the second part collates and organizes all the literary and epigraphic evidences of each woman of the Julio-Claudian family. The purpose of this research on the appellations and names of the women of Julio-Claudian dynasty has been to advance the study of feminine spaces at the beginning of the Roman Empire and to illuminate of the new actions modalities for the imperial women during this period. Furthermore, this doctoral research contributes to deepening our understanding of the changes of the role and status of imperial women and the complex relative relationships of these women to the men of imperial family, such as the emperors and other male figures in Julio-Claudian dynasty, or to eminent personages in the Roman imperial society

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

Diss. Stockholm : Univ., 2004. / Härtill 4 uppsatser. Pp. 46-66: Bibliography.

This dissertation compares the family and marriage traditions of the Ashantis of Ghana and Ancient Hebrews. Some common features characterize the two societies, principal among which is the idea that having children is the key purpose of marrieage above love and intimacy. Others are the low status of the wife in the domestic context; endogamy rules based on consanguinity; and payment of bride price. However, the two traditions differ in important areas. For example, the Ashantis follow kinship system based on matrilineal descent, succession and inheritance and the girl child is preferred. The patriarchal system of the Ancient Hebrews invest all authority in the father and the male heirs is preferred. Other defining factor in Ashanti and Pentateuchcal marriage is their religion and belief systems. Much of the marriage traditions seem to be cultural references rather than religious imperatives binding on Christians today. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / Thesis (M.Th.)

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo oferecer uma reflexão acerca da necessidade de desenvolvimento institucional dos espaços públicos no mundo globalizado. Para tanto, pretende-se enxergar quais são as perspectivas teóricas oferecidas por Nancy Fraser e como suas ideias podem ser observadas na prática através de um estudo crítico da Comissão para o Status da Mulher (CSW) da ONU. Em um primeiro momento, busca-se fazer um estudo do modelo de justiça global construído por Nancy Fraser em sua obra acadêmica, analisando as categorias de redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação como defendidas pela autora e em contraste com outros autores que dialogam nesta área. Este assunto é dividido em dois capítulos. Um primeiro onde se observa a proposta de integração entre redistribuição e reconhecimento e os problemas decorrentes desta relação e um segundo no qual se busca aprofundar as questões de representação de primeira e segunda ordem à luz de uma nova conjuntura política provocada pelo desgaste do enquadramento institucional vestfaliano e da soberania estatal para resolver problemas de justiça social em decorrência do fenômeno da globalização. No segundo momento, o trabalho pretende investigar a operacionalidade do modelo defendido por Fraser buscando vislumbrá-lo no processo e nos produtos da Comissão para o Status da Mulher (CSW) da ONU, indagando em que medida este espaço reflete uma nova proposta de enquadramento para o conhecimento, a discussão e a decisão de demandas de modo democrático e se - e como - ocorre a integração de políticas de redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação de primeira ordem nas decisões tomadas por este órgão. / [en] The present dissertation aims to offer a reflection on the need institutional development of public spaces in a globalized world. For such, it is intended to see which are the theoretical perspectives offered by Nancy Fraser and how her ideas can be observed in practice through a critical study on the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) of the UN. In a first moment, it aims to make a study of the model of justice constructed by Nancy Fraser in her academic production, analyzing the categories of redistribution, recognition and representation as defined by the author and in contrast with other authors that dialog in this area. This subject is divided in two chapters. A first where it is observed the proposal of integration between redistribution and recognition and the resulting problems of this relation and a second in which is aimed to deepen the question of representation in both first and second orders in the light of a new political conjuncture triggered by the detrition of the Westphalian institutional framing and of the state sovereignty to solve the problems of social justice provoked by the phenomenon of globalization. At the second moment, this work intends to investigate the operability of the model defended by Fraser trying to behold it in the process and in the products of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) of the UN, inquiring in what measure is there a new proposal of framing for the acknowledgment, the discussion and the decision of claims in a democratic way and if - and how - occurs the integration of politics of redistribution, recognition and representation of first order in the decisions taken by this organ.

This Diploma thesis deals with the theme of the feminism as a new theory, which influences Christian education of girls. The whole work is divided into the two main sections. The first section serves as the theoretical background, which includes notions like: development of the feminism in the world as well as in the Czech Republic; penetration of the feminist ideas into the Christianity and consequently also the emergence of the feminist theology. The focus is limited to the Roman Catholic Church and deals especially with the role of the women in the Church. Second section of the thesis is practical. It consists of the qualitative research that explores the position of women in the Church as it is presented in the textbooks for the religious education used recently on the primary level (from the 1st till 9th grade) in the Czech Republic. The method of content analysis has been used. This section explores the feminist elements in the textbooks and attempts to identify the actual role of the women in the Church.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.