Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1989. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 198-210). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

This report is a study of the development of strategies of political conflict surrounding the Mexican Student Movement of 1968. It analyzes strategies of the students' organization of the National Strike Committee and the Government Party of Revolutionary Institutions (P.R.I.), in order to understand why violent repression was applied by the government to suppress the student group. The understanding of repression is undertaken in a review of the development of governmental structures and the history of conflict in Mexico beginning in 1910. In looking through the history of Mexico and examining the student movement, the report weaves together three theories: 1) the conflict of different political groups in history; 2) the development of a one-party system of government; and 3) the routinized use of repression in political conflict since the Mexican Revolution of 1910. In review of the historical development of the P.R.I., the study indicates that the early period in the 1930's contained an opportunity for a viable political democracy with a control and orderly conflict between interest group on the left and right. The push to a centralized government came from Cárdenas who was sympathetic to the needs of the peasants and workers and whose administration worked on their behalf. But following the leadership of Cárdenas, the presidential successors, Avila Camacho and Alemán, used the Central Party, and by strengthening its control, suppressed labor and peasant movements. It is at this time that the legacy of violence in policy matters is introduced — a strategy of repression in modern Mexican politics. Evidence on the composition of the P.R.I. points to a structure in which control of the government flows, from the top down in a unidirectional manner with little or no influence from the workers, peasants or small businessmen. Representation in the party does not bring with it the ability to participate in the decision making, nor does the populist ideology of the party mean that the masses are able to influence the leadership of the government. This being the case, the problem for the government becomes one of persuasion and control. A chronological account of the events of 1968 reveal that the strategy of the student movement, was that of calling for a public debate with the government in order to provide a means of restoring the influence of the masses of the people upon public officials, and the strategy of the government was to applied physical force through the police and the army in order to avoid a public debate and to quickly eliminate the student movement. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

Orientadora: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Anderson Deo / Banca: Marcos Del Roio / Banca: Lalo Watanabe Minto / Banca: Pedro Jorge de Freitas / Resumo: O objeto de estudo desta tese são as manifestações estudantis pelo impeachment do Presidente Fernando Collor de Mello ocorridas em 1992, enfatizando o papel de destaque das entidades estudantis, União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) e União Brasileira de Estudantes Secundaristas (UBES). A pergunta que norteou este trabalho foi: por que o Movimento Estudantil (ME) foi a "fagulha" dos protestos "Fora Collor"? Dito de outra maneira, por que o ME "saiu na frente" nestes protestos? Como hipótese geral, consideramos o suposto protagonismo do ME como produto da trajetória de reorganização percorrida pelos estudantes desde a reconstrução da UNE em 1979 e da UBES em 1981 e pelas características definidoras da juventude dos anos 1990, uma geração marcada pela glória das gerações passadas que fizeram história manifestando-se contra a censura e a repressão da Ditadura Militar. Diante das interpretações dos meios de comunicação da época, até mesmo de alguns trabalhos acadêmicos, sobre a característica de espontaneidade das manifestações dos "caras pintadas", argumentar que o ME passou por um intenso processo de reorganização durante a conturbada década de 1980 significa atribuir às manifestações da juventude uma causalidade histórica, bem como desmistificar a noção de juventude despolitizada. Como hipóteses específicas, consideramos que o ME enquanto movimento social pode se localizar no campo das lutas de resistência ao sistema do capital, restando-nos compreender em que medida (e quando) ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The object of study of this thesis are the student demonstrations by the impeachment of President Fernando Collor de Mello that occurred in 1992, emphasizing the prominent role of student organizations, National Union of Students (UNE) and Brazilian Union of Secondary Students (UBES). The question that guided this work was: why the Student Movement (ME) was the "spark" of the protests "Fora Collor"? Put another way, why did the ME "get ahead" in these protests? As a general hypothesis, we consider the supposed role of the ME as a product of the reorganization trajectory of the students since the reconstruction of the UNE in 1979 and the UBES in 1981 and the defining characteristics of the youth of the 1990s, a generation marked by the glory of the past generations made history against the censorship and repression of the Military Dictatorship. Towards of interpretations of the media of the time, even of some scholarly works, on the spontaneity characteristic of the manifestations of "painted faces", to argue that the ME underwent an intense reorganization process during the troubled 1980s means to attribute to the manifestations of youth a historical causality, as well as demystify the notion of depoliticized youth. As specific hypotheses, we consider that the ME as a social movement can be located in the field of struggles of resistance to the capital system, and it remains to understand to what extent (and when) the ME manifests itself in opposition to and critically to the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

林玫芳. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 164-171. / Lin Meifang. / Chapter 第一部 --- 份抗日戰爭後國共在廣州的佈署 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節： --- 研究動機 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節： --- 研究回顧及參考資料 --- p.3 / Chapter 第三節： --- 内戰時期廣州學生運動的基本特色 --- p.6 / Chapter 第二章 --- 戰後國共的關係 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節： --- 對待日本投降問題 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二節： --- 由和談至破裂 --- p.12 / Chapter 第三章 --- 凱旋聲中的廣州 --- p.18 / Chapter 第一節： --- 廣州受降經過 --- p.18 / Chapter 第二節： --- 光復後廣州的情況 --- p.20 / Chapter 第四章 --- 内戰時期中共在廣州的活動 --- p.27 / Chapter 第一節： --- 日本投降後中共在廣州的政策 --- p.27 / Chapter 第二節： --- 中共在廣州的黨組織 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二部 --- 份廣州學生運動（1946 - 1947年） --- p.37 / Chapter 第五章 --- 「一 ´Ø三〇」運動 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節： --- 一.三〇運動的背景 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節： --- 運動的經過 --- p.48 / Chapter 第四節： --- 一.三〇運動的迴響 --- p.50 / Chapter 第六章 --- 反美抗暴運動 --- p.76 / Chapter 第一節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.76 / Chapter 第二節： --- 遊行的經過 --- p.79 / Chapter 第三節： --- 反美抗暴運動的迴響 --- p.81 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「五´Ø卅一」運動 --- p.85 / Chapter 第一節： --- 運動的醞釀 --- p.85 / Chapter 第二節： --- 運動的經過 --- p.95 / Chapter 第三節： --- 五.卅一運動的迴響 --- p.98 / Chapter 第八章 --- 從廣州學生運動看國共的學運政策 --- p.112 / Chapter 第一節： --- 中共在廣州的學生運動政策 --- p.112 / Chapter 第二節： --- 國民黨在廣州的學生運動政策 --- p.126 / Chapter 第三部 --- 份結論 --- p.141 / Chapter 第九章 --- 廣州學生運動與國共的關係 --- p.141 / 附錄一至十六 --- p.148 / 參考資料、書目及論著 --- p.164 / 圖片 --- p.172

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2006. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 76-81)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, June 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Illinois University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-96).

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li zheng zhi da xue, 1977. / Cover title. Reproduced from typescript on double leaves. Includes bibliographical references (p. 252-264).