Humboldt-Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2004. / Zsfassung in dt. Sprache.

Giessen, Univ., Diss., 2001. / Computerdatei im Fernzugriff.

Giessen, Univ., Diss., 2001. / Computerdatei im Fernzugriff.

Giessen, University, Diss., 2001.

This research intends to investigate the scope and applicability of the concept of ‘self-determination’ outside the context of decolonisation using South Sudan as a case study. Demands for the exercise of the right to self-determination are widespread. These are vehemently resisted by states who view the concept of ‘self-determination’ as a potential source of territorial disintegration. International instruments which provide for the right to self-determination also discourage the impairment of the territorial integrity of states in the name of self-determination. The problem faced in international law is therefore how to balance the right to self-determination with the principle of territorial integrity. The study reveals that the general understanding is that outside the context of decolonisation the right to self-determination may be exercised within the territorial boundaries of a state without compromising the territorial integrity of a state. The internal exercise of the right to self-determination entails human rights protection, participation in the political affairs of the state and autonomy arrangements. This general understanding is however problematic where a state systemically violates the rights of its people and denies them political participation in the affairs of the state. The people of South Sudan found themselves in such a situation from the time when Sudan gained independence from British colonial rule. Despite a number of negotiations with the government of Sudan, the people of South Sudan continued to be marginalised and their rights violated with impunity. They then demanded to exercise their right to self-determination externally and eventually they seceded from Sudan through the framework created by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005. In the light of the secession of South Sudan from Sudan this study proposes a remedial self-determination approach to the understanding of post-colonial self-determination. In terms of this approach when people are denied the right to exercise their right to self-determination internally, or their rights are deliberately and systemically violated, they may exercise their right to self-determination externally and secede.

This dissertation is unique in looking at Sudanese NGOs and not at the INGOs in Sudan. Most of the literature concentrates on the role of INGOs in Sudan and neglect the contribution of Sudanese NGOs. The research offers a corrective to these stereotype created by the literature on Sudanese NGOs. This study focuses on important aspects of the voluntary sector in the Sudan. It describes informal traditional practices and indigenous associations, like communal labor, rotating savings and credit associations, and migrant associations. Although these social forms have been given some attention in the third world studies literature, the subject has never been dealt with systematically in the field of Sudanese studies. The study reveals the strengths and weaknesses of Sudanese NGOs. It doesn't, however exaggerate the role of Sudanese NGOs, given the local context. On the other hand we can not underestimate their contribution to poverty reduction efforts and peace process and in realization of rights in the last two decades. The study focuses on the present political situation in the Sudan, including the regime's institutions and its social organizations on the one hand and the position of social and political oppositions on the other. It shows how Islamic movement uses religion and power to sustain and protect a system which has lost its credibility and legitimacy among many Sudanese citizens. It focuses on the rise of the National Islamic Front (NIF), its growth and development from a small political party to the third political power, based on the election of 1986, and to a party of full ruling power as a result of the NIF military coup of 1989. It also discusses and analyzes the nature of the government organizations and the causes leading to the failure of the Islamic project in the country. The rise of Islamic movement in Sudan can be viewed as part of the decline of local initiatives as the center of the social capital. The rapid changing situation in Sudan since 1989 is gathering by new momentum with the government policies of control and restriction, on the one hand, and with the increasing numbers of civil society organizations seeking to legitimize their identity and recognition, on the other hand. The study discusses the NIF-NGO relations and concludes by raising issues of concern and discussing the way out as an alternative approach contributing to development process.

Post-independence South Sudan has many areas in which progress is required in order to develop the economy. South Sudan’s economy, for is still run largely (98%) on oil revenues. In order to improve the standards of living of the citizens, good governance, transparency and accountability are the key. These will help build confidence, stability as well as the credibility of the government. How to achieve diversification of the economy in order to move away from the overdependence on oil will be the focus of this research. Diversification, especially in the context of small and fragile economies, has become an important topic. This research will investigate possible economic strategies to diversify the crude-based economy in South Sudan and will assess the circumstances under which economic diversification can be achieved. The research will identify and analyse the issues that impede and hinder economic growth in the non-oil sectors of the South Sudanese economy and explore how far the government has delivered the conditions necessary for the private sector to grow so that it can contribute considerably to the diversification and growth of the economy and the nation. This research was started in 2012, one year after South Sudan got its independence from Sudan. The country’s first Development Plan was rolled out in 2011. Unfortunately, a war broke out in December 2013, disrupting life in the new country, especially economic activities. A peace treaty has since been signed to end the war. The government, however, still continues forward with just one source of revenue – oil. Nonetheless, the findings of this research will offer an analysis as well as recommendations for ways to diversify the South Sudanese economy once peace is firmly established in the country.

Local government is an important level of participatory democracy, where communities play an active role not only as the electorate, but also as end-users and consumers, and thereby holding their municipal councils accountable for their actions. Given the above statement, the interim Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, entrusts local government with the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner. It also provides for the promotion of social and economic development and the promotion of a safe and healthy environment. This also entails the need for a commitment to service delivery hence, public representatives and public officials must take seriously their obligation to render services to the people that could be in the form of ensuring that refuse gets collected, electricity being supplied and other services rendered which better the general welfare of citizens. There are several definitions of public participation, but it can be defined as a process of empowering citizens by involving them in making decisions on all issues that concern them, which can be political, social or economic. The main aim of this study was to, investigate and identify the nature and extent of integrated participatory planning in Yei River County and the extent to which opportunities for public participation are accessible to the communities. The study sought to investigate: How different stakeholders in the community in Yei River County make use of public participation opportunities during the integrated participatory planning process? As such, the main objectives of the study were to; to assess the existing integrated participatory planning practices in Yei River County, to examine and evaluate how the existing integrated participatory planning practices influence service delivery in Yei River County and lastly to identify the barriers to effective integrated participatory planning in YRC and advance recommendations for improvement. Purposive and snowball sampling methods were used and data was collected from a sample of two hundred and twenty-six (226) public officials, comprising of Local Government officials, County councillors and members of the public. Results from the data collected using open and close-ended questionnaires, showed that public participation is very important in local government planning as it leads to incorporation of public suggestions and interests in the development strategies. The results further showed that public meetings and workshops were the only public participation mechanisms being used by Yei River County. The study therefore recommended among other things that, Yei River County should strengthen public participation in integrated participatory planning by providing adequate skilled human resources and establishing structures, as well as public participation mechanisms at the Payam and Boma levels. It was also recommended that the communities needed to utilise all available mechanisms of participation to ensure maximum participation during the integrated participatory planning processes.

The aim of diploma thesis ,,Split of Sudan: Possible scenario for other African countries?" is to analyze internal and external causes of South Sudan's secession and to find out, if these causes have secessionist potential in the cases of Somaliland in Somalia and Biafra in Nigeria. Among the internal causes, we can find for example nationalism or human rights abuses, while the external causes are represented primarily by the role of international community. After South Sudan's declaration of indendence, many scholars what African countries were going to follow Sudan's scenario. For the same purpose, this thesis is aimed at analyzing the cases of Somalia and Nigeria or Somaliland and Biafra to be more precise. Somaliland has been de facto independent from Somalia since 1991 but it hasn't been recognized by any country yet. Although Biafra only exists on the paper, the local secessionist movement has been seeking an actualization of this political unit existing in the 1960s for many years now. First partial goal of this thesis is to analyze the secession of South Sudan according to set theories of secession and to create a hypothesis about suitable condiditons for other secessions. The rest of the thesis is dedicated to testing given hypothesis in the cases of Somaliland and Biafra.

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