Social media platforms have proliferated rapidly, altering societal norms of communication. Whilst a number of studies (Treem & Leonardi, 2012; Leonardi, 2014; Koch, Gonzalez & Leidner, 2013) have shed light on the implications of social media use for firms, there remains a limited understanding of how firms interpret and implement social media. This thesis seeks to address the gap by exploring the psycho-sociological processes underpinning social media use in small firms. Data was collected during a qualitative study of social media use in 31 organizations in the United Kingdom (UK) and interpreted using concepts from Swidlers (1986) cultural toolkit framework. This thesis contributes insights about the wide variety of resources required to participate in the networked society (Harris, Rae & Misner, 2012) using social media platforms. Previous studies have suggested that interpretations play an important role in social media use (i.e. Treem & Leonardi s affordances, 2012) but have failed to explicate how interpretations of social media are formed. This study found that respondents drew on a wide variety of cultural tools (Swidler, 1986) in order to interpret and operate their social media accounts. These included their embodied skills, habits and styles as well as resources that were available through their social networks. The study found that the respondents interpretation of social media as a low risk and highly uncertain endeavour prompted their experimentation with various combinations of cultural tools as attempts were made to overcome the common challenges of social media use (i.e. finding time for social media, knowing what to post on social media). One such challenge related to the marked difference between social media interactions and face-to-face encounters. The findings are used to extend Goffman s notion of situation-like encounters (1979). It is contended that social media provide a rich example of a situation-like context.

Network and cultural bridge theories predict the source and durability of cultural boundaries, including how cultural boundaries are overcome in order for differing groups to have meaningful exchanges. Ethnographic interview data with three research subjects in Northern Mexico reveals the strengths and weaknesses of each theory. Minita Bustillos, Juan Daniel Villalobos, and Horacio Echeverrí­a contribute to bridging ties between the closed indigenous community of the Tarahumara and outside Mexican and American groups. Their positions elucidate the veracity of theoretical propositions found in network and cultural bridge theories. Findings suggest that though useful in understanding several aspects of network structure and bridging, network theory does not fully explain how a person becomes part of a network bridge or what social capabilities may be useful for someone in that position. Cultural bridge theories extend the explanation by showing the importance of relationship building in bridging, but rely too heavily on the notion that a single individual can provide the cultural capital and resources necessary to be a cross-cultural bridge in and of themselves. The additional concepts of habitus and cultural tool-kits supplement these perspectives by explaining how respondents acquired cultural and social knowledge that allows them to make connections in multiple distinct networks and how the respondents can so naturally say and do things to garner trust from members of both groups. This research shows how the theoretical concepts can be used in application to a specific social context. It also provides support for the possible use of the concepts of habitus, network bridging, and tool-kits for training members of grass roots organizations attempting to bridge between distinct, and even opposing, social groups.