Thesis (M.S.P.H.)--University of Michigan, 1939.

Thesis (M.P.H.)--University of Michigan, 1947.

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD) / From Federation in 1901 through the first three decades of the twentieth century there was a perceptible shift in modes of rule in New South Wales (NSW) related to the management of venereal diseases. At the beginning of the twentieth century a medicopenal approach was central. By 1925, persuasion and ‘responsibilisation’ were becoming important modes, and young people rather than ‘case-hardened prostitutes' were assessed as being a ‘venereal’ risk. Framing this period were three important legislative developments which informed, and were informed by, these shifts: the NSW Prisoners Detention Act 1909, the NSW Select Committee into the Prevalence of Venereal Diseases 1915 and the NSW Venereal Diseases Act 1918. At its core this thesis is concerned with examining shifting modes of rule. This thesis closely examines each. I suggest that these modes of rule can be viewed through the lens of biopolitics, and following Foucault, deploy the ‘medical gaze’ and the ‘watchful eye’ as constructs to examine the relationship between the government of self, government of others and government of the state. I use the medical gaze to describe not only the individual venereal patient attending a hospital and the body of the patient diagnosed with syphilis and/or gonorrhoea, but most importantly to describe the power relationship between the medical practitioner, the teaching hospital and the patient. I use the watchful eye in a more overarching way to suggest the suite of techniques and apparatus deployed by government to monitor and regulate the venereal body politic, both the populations perceived to be posing a venereal risk, and populations at risk of venereal infection. In relation to the venereal body and the venereal body politic, I analyse three fundamental aspects of the management of venereal diseases: treatment, prevention and epidemiology. Treatment: Over this period, treatment moved from lock institutions to outpatient clinics. Embodied in this change was a widespread institutional ambivalence towards treating venereal patients. I contend that treatment of venereal diseases was painful, prolonged and punitive precisely because of the moral sickness perceived to be at the iv heart of venereal infection. I track this ambivalence to a systemic fear of institutional ‘venerealisation’, which decreased perceptibly across the period. Closely analysing surviving patient records, I argue that in their conduct, venereal patients were often compliant, conscientious and responsible. Prevention: I argue that preventative approaches to venereal diseases became increasingly complex, and operated in three domains – preventative medicine (diagnosis, treatment and vaccination); public health prevention (notification, isolation and disinfection); and prevention education (social purity campaigns and sex hygiene). An emerging plethora of community-based organisations and campaigns began to shift the sites and practices of power. Epidemiology: I suggest that there was a shift from danger to risk in the conceptualisation of venereal diseases. This shift necessitated a focus on factors affecting populations, as opposed to factors affecting individuals. This in turn led to the deployment of various techniques to monitor the conduct of venereal populations. The NSW Venereal Diseases Act 1918 created two important new venereal categories: the ‘notified person’ and the ‘defaulter,’ both of which came to permeate renditions of venereal patients throughout the 20th century.

Th.--Faculté de médecine--Paris, 1882.

Dissertation, 2005.

Syphilis is a disease caused by the bacterium Treponema pallidum subsp. pallidum, which is generally transmitted through sexual contact, or vertically from a mother to her fetus. Syphilis is effectively treated with penicillin yet remains prevalent worldwide, due in part to the shortfalls of current diagnostic tests. Traditional serological testing algorithms screen with diagnostic tests specific for non-treponemal antibodies followed by subsequent screening of reactive samples for treponeme-specific antibodies. Limitations exist with both the sensitivity and specificity of non-treponemal and treponemal tests. Specific enzyme immunoassays, chemiluminescence assays and rapid point-of-care tests have been developed that contain the T. pallidum proteins TpN15 (Tp0171), TpN17 (Tp0435), TpN47 (Tp0574), and/or TpN44 (Tp0768; TmpA). These tests have also been shown to have suboptimal sensitivities, highlighting the need for identification of novel syphilis diagnostic candidates. In this study, soluble recombinant versions of two previously identified diagnostic candidates, Tp0326 and Tp0453, as well as a novel Tp0453-Tp0326 chimera were produced. The sensitivity of these recombinant proteins in enzyme-linked immunosorbant assays (ELISA) for diagnosis of syphilis was determined by screening characterized serum samples from primary, secondary, and latent stages of infection (n=169). The specificity was determined by screening uninfected individuals (n=13), false positives identified via the standard testing algorithm (n=19), and potentially cross-reactive infections caused by Leptospira, B. burgdorferi, H. pylori, Epstein-Barr virus, hepatitis B virus, hepatitis C virus, and cytomegalovirus (n=38). The sensitivities for Tp0326, Tp0453, and the Tp0453-Tp0326 chimera were found to be 86%, 98% and 98%, respectively. The specificities for Tp0326, Tp0453, and the Tp0453-Tp0326 chimera were found to be 99%, 100% and 99%, respectively. These findings suggest that Tp0453 and the Tp0453-Tp0326 chimera show promise as novel syphilis-specific diagnostic candidates for accurate detection of all stages of infection and for future development into numerous diagnostic test formats including enzyme immunoassays, chemiluminescence assays, and rapid point-of-care tests. / Graduate

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD) / From Federation in 1901 through the first three decades of the twentieth century there was a perceptible shift in modes of rule in New South Wales (NSW) related to the management of venereal diseases. At the beginning of the twentieth century a medicopenal approach was central. By 1925, persuasion and ‘responsibilisation’ were becoming important modes, and young people rather than ‘case-hardened prostitutes' were assessed as being a ‘venereal’ risk. Framing this period were three important legislative developments which informed, and were informed by, these shifts: the NSW Prisoners Detention Act 1909, the NSW Select Committee into the Prevalence of Venereal Diseases 1915 and the NSW Venereal Diseases Act 1918. At its core this thesis is concerned with examining shifting modes of rule. This thesis closely examines each. I suggest that these modes of rule can be viewed through the lens of biopolitics, and following Foucault, deploy the ‘medical gaze’ and the ‘watchful eye’ as constructs to examine the relationship between the government of self, government of others and government of the state. I use the medical gaze to describe not only the individual venereal patient attending a hospital and the body of the patient diagnosed with syphilis and/or gonorrhoea, but most importantly to describe the power relationship between the medical practitioner, the teaching hospital and the patient. I use the watchful eye in a more overarching way to suggest the suite of techniques and apparatus deployed by government to monitor and regulate the venereal body politic, both the populations perceived to be posing a venereal risk, and populations at risk of venereal infection. In relation to the venereal body and the venereal body politic, I analyse three fundamental aspects of the management of venereal diseases: treatment, prevention and epidemiology. Treatment: Over this period, treatment moved from lock institutions to outpatient clinics. Embodied in this change was a widespread institutional ambivalence towards treating venereal patients. I contend that treatment of venereal diseases was painful, prolonged and punitive precisely because of the moral sickness perceived to be at the iv heart of venereal infection. I track this ambivalence to a systemic fear of institutional ‘venerealisation’, which decreased perceptibly across the period. Closely analysing surviving patient records, I argue that in their conduct, venereal patients were often compliant, conscientious and responsible. Prevention: I argue that preventative approaches to venereal diseases became increasingly complex, and operated in three domains – preventative medicine (diagnosis, treatment and vaccination); public health prevention (notification, isolation and disinfection); and prevention education (social purity campaigns and sex hygiene). An emerging plethora of community-based organisations and campaigns began to shift the sites and practices of power. Epidemiology: I suggest that there was a shift from danger to risk in the conceptualisation of venereal diseases. This shift necessitated a focus on factors affecting populations, as opposed to factors affecting individuals. This in turn led to the deployment of various techniques to monitor the conduct of venereal populations. The NSW Venereal Diseases Act 1918 created two important new venereal categories: the ‘notified person’ and the ‘defaulter,’ both of which came to permeate renditions of venereal patients throughout the 20th century.

Thesis (M.S.P.H.)--University of Michgian, 1930.

Thesis (doctoral)--Johns Hopkins University, 2002. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.P.H.)--University of Michgian, 1930.