Thesis (M.S.)--Eastern Illinois University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 42-47).

The thesis seeks to steal only with a limited aspect of Engels' thesis on the relationship between drunkenness and industrialisation during the early 19th century - with the organisation, sources of support and leadership of the three liquor restrictionist campaigns before 1869 - the anti-spirits, teetotal, and prohibitionist movements. The attempt to solve the drink problem through the association of abstainers did not begun until the appearance of the anti-spirits movement in Britain in 1828-9. Although for centuries there had been individual abstainers, and even public campaigns against drunkenness, nobody had thought of founding a temperance society . Three recent social changes prepared the way for the early anti-spirits movement. Firstly, the gradual abandonment of drunkenness by fashionable society at least by the end of the 18th century, and the appearance of a sober labour aristocracy by the 1820s. Secondly,the sophistication after the late 18th century of techniques of public agitation; and thirdly the desire evinced by certain sections of society , partially pcvincial manufacturers and nonconformists, allied with labour aristocrats, for certain radical changes in the political and social system. The idea of anti-spirits association originated in America in the 1820s and soon reached Britain via the Anglo- American philanthropic network. Originating simultaneously in Glasgow with John Dunlop and in Belfast with Dr. John Edgar, the new movement soon spread to the North of England. By 1831 the British and Foreign Temperance Society had been established at Exeter Hall. In individual instances, religious zeal was the motivating force, but other factors seem to have made British society in the late 1820s receptive to temperance agitation. The suspicion that religious factors are not the only influences at work is suggested by two considerations: temperance was ardently recommended both by religious and irreligious opinion-formers, and the temperance movement appeared at the same time as many other pressures on working people to conserve their resources. Relevant factors seem to be the following. Taxation changes in the 1820s had prompted fears that a second "gin age" might be imminent; difficulties with the textile industries in the North seem to have increased the attractiveness of a movement which promised to extend the home market and discipline the work force. Manufacturers in the Northern cities showed some enthusiasm for the early anti-spirits movemaot. Thirdly, the cheapening and improved accessibility of non-intoxicating drinks made organised abstinence from intoxicants more feasible than at any earlier date. The first parliamentary inquiry into drunkenness was held in 1854, and although its recommendations were in many ways far-sighted, it was ridiculed by parliament and the press largely for two reasons: because of the unpopularity of its chairman, the radical J.S.Buckingham and of his associates on the committee - the Evangelicals. And secondly because the committee's long-term suggestions - notably prohibition - were mistaken for immediate recommendations, provincial society in the Northern industrial towns was more favourable than London opinion towards the committee and to its report.

This dissertation examines the intimate connection between the State-building process and the temperance movement and asserts that neither project was merely imposed from the top down, but rather, involved input from a variety of actors. As presidents worked to rebuild the federal government during the Mexican Revolution of 1910 to 1940, they also strove to rid the country of alcoholism. In particular, utilizing prejudiced notions of class, ethnicity, and gender, they targeted working-class and indigenous men, who they tried to transform into pacifistic patriarchs, efficient workers, and sober, responsible citizens. However, the case study of Sonora demonstrates that this federal project did not go uncontested. Presidents relied on governors and legislators to mandate temperance, mayors to enforce these laws, and citizens to follow them, but these people did not always willingly comply and thus policies often had to be modified. In other instances, ordinary people supported the anti-alcohol campaign, creating unofficial temperance leagues, petitioning the president to close more cantinas, or demanding that corrupt authorities obey alcohol legislation. Governors', mayors', and especially citizens' contributions to the anti-alcohol campaign and the State-building process may not have been equal to those of federal leaders, but both projects certainly benefited from the input of a diverse cross-section of society.This present research adds to and combines three historiographical fields on the history of alcohol, State-building, and the social and cultural components of revolutions. It is the first, full-length study of the anti-alcohol campaign during the Mexican Revolution and the only work about Mexico as of yet to examine temperance from the national, state, municipal, and popular perspective. This work also corroborates the argument of recent political scholars, demonstrating that the process of State formation was shaped by input from individuals on a variety of planes. Finally, this dissertation shows that the government's cultural policies, which included promoting high art, distributing propaganda, and carrying out campaigns such as the temperance movement, should not be seen as trivial. Rather, attempts to form a new, modern citizenry through these projects were a vital part of the State-building process and of social revolution in general.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego and San Diego State University, 1997. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-118).

Thesis (Ph. L.)--Catholic University of America, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-78).

Akademisk avhandling--Göteborg. / Extra title-page, with thesis note, inserted. "Rättelser" slip attached at end. "Källor och litteratur": p. 565-579.

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While moral and medical perspectives have dominated addiction discourse for the past two centuries, addiction specialists and theorists have recently developed ecological alternatives that cross disciplinary boundaries and treat the addicted person holistically. My dissertation excavates a deep history of ecological thinking on addiction in nineteenth-century literature and culture. Writers such as Charles Brockden Brown, Rebecca Harding Davis, Charles Dickens, Frank J. Webb, and Lydia Sigourney countered traditional moral conceptions of intemperance by materially linking mental and physical states to environmental conditions, social structures, and economic systems. In doing so, they combined multiple discourses—ranging from psychology, political and domestic economy, proto-thermodynamics, and physiology—to envision a new ecological model of selfhood that challenged Enlightenment notions of self-mastery and liberal subjectivity. This process included not only the pathologization of addiction but the emergence of a networked self. My dissertation moves chronologically from the Early Republican period to the eve of the Civil War; it focuses on novels (particularly sentimental genres), but also includes poetry, sermons, journalism, and visual artifacts. Chapter 1 explores the intersections of mind, republican politics, and intemperance in the writings of Brown and Benjamin Rush. Chapter 2 contends that lady drunkard narratives by Sigourney and others troubled domestic ideology by embedding addiction in the spousal dynamics, traumas, and medical practices of the home. Focusing on Davis and Dickens, Chapter 3 investigates how agency and addiction pathology were reimagined in the toxic urban-industrial environments of the nineteenth century. Chapter 4 argues that Frank J. Webb and the African American press resisted early racialized formations of addiction by depicting drunkenness and white supremacy as conjoined pathologies. The ongoing opioid crisis in the U.S. underscores the importance of not just engaging these early histories to better understand the construction of addiction, but the necessity of balancing networked complexity with the lived experience of those who suffer. I believe that literature is well suited for this task, as it affords psychological, somatic, and social approaches that neuroscience and medicine cannot handle alone. / 2026-02-09T00:00:00Z

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