Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Virginia, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 394-416).

Thesis (M.A.)--Taiwan da xue. / Reproduced from ms. copy. Bibliography: p. 119-125.

China changed its communistic economy policy to the open one during these 20 years. China¡¦s cheap labor force, plentiful natural resources and vast market have attracted lots of MNC to settle subsidiaries/manufacturing plants there. But the unique political and economical system of China and the special culture of Guan-Xi had made many MNC fail in the entrance of China market. Therefore, many MNC rely on the knowledge and competence of Taiwan subsidiaries. This research deals with the extent to which factors would affect the interactions, especially the complementary relationship, between Taiwan and China subsidiaries. Regarding the characteristics of industry in which MNC are, the following factors increase the extent of complementary relationship between Taiwan and China subsidiaries: 1.The higher speed of technology replacing in the industry; 2.The more support by China government; 3. Their affiliated industries are highly globalized. Regarding the business models of MNC, the more consistency of which their customers¡¦ need have, the higher degree of complementary relationship between Taiwan and China subsidiaries are. Regarding specific of parent companies and subsidiaries, the following factors increase the extent of complementary relationship between Taiwan and China subsidiaries: 1.Subsidiaries rely more on HQ to get core resourses; 2.The more activities which Taiwan and China subsidiaries have in common.

­^¤åºK­n¡G The companies in Taiwan have invested rapidly in Mainland China from 90's. The trend of investment focus on IT industry. There are many capital to flow to China. On the other hand¡Athe problem of China's capital which flow to Taiwan is more and more serious. Under the regulation of WTO , Taiwan must face the problem of capital of China. The study is to research the flow of money in Taiwan and China. Finally it is evaluated the affection from the viewpoint of national security.

Thesis (M.Sc.)--Oklahoma State University, 2007. / Adviser: Yonglin Jiang. Includes bibliographical references.

Drawing on recent discussions of relational embeddedness and socio-technical agencement, this thesis analyses the relationship between stock trading and lay investors’ daily lives, including their social relations, activities, events, devices, places, work and ways of thinking. Taiwan’s stock market provides an appropriate location for investigation because of the dominance of lay investors in the market and the high proportion of Taiwan’s adult population who engage in stock trading. The data were obtained from three main sets of sources: in-depth interviews, document analysis and ethnographic observation. I argue that lay market actors are not only framed by the market’s mechanisms, but also by daily-life structures. The Taiwan Stock Exchange, as an electronic, anonymous financial market, has been a challenge to the embeddedness approach due to the absence of direct interaction between the parties to transactions. This study presents another aspect of socio-economic relationships in the market: the role of financial-market activity in wider social interactions. Like taking part in any popular social activity, lay investors’ social ties are maintained and expended by engaging in stock trading. Social relations and stock trading are woven together and form a largely seamless whole, part of lay investors’ daily life. The socio-technical agencements of lay investors contain distinctive features: diversity, bricolage, use of non-professional ‘devices’, action in non-financial places, everyday means of controlling market risk and association with everyday events. The differences between the agencements of lay investors and professional practitioners produce an asymmetry of calculative capabilities between market actors. Superior calculative capabilities tend to give an advantage to professional practitioners in the market, but these strengths are constrained by political and economic factors. This study sheds light on micro social factors, which are comparable with economic, institutional and psychological explanations, in accounting for lay investors’ behaviours in financial markets. The analysis also suggests the compatibility of the three important social science approaches to economic agents: Granovetter’s embeddedness, Zelizer’s relational work and Callon’s agencement.

A thesis submitted to the department of international relations, Faculty of Arts, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. February 1998. / The rationale of this study is 10 examine the Republic of China (ROC)-on-Taiwan':; foreign policy of "pragmatic diplomacy". The thesis is designed to contribute to the understanding of the developm ent and progression of the ROC-on- Taiwan's foreign policy development, from that of authoritarian to democratic state. This is to be viewed in the context of the international environment in which the ROC government has had to operate - one of growing political isolation. The foreign policy of pragmatic diplomacy had both domestic and international origins - domestic in the domain of Taiwan's internal political development and internatiorul in the realm of Taiwan's international political pariah status. The principal objective of this doctoral thesis is to trace pragmatic diplomacy's political roots, examine its policies, and assess its prospects. Pragmatic diplomacy was officially adopted as a foreign policy by the ROC following the appointment of Lee Teng-hui as president in January 1988. However, rather than marking a distinct change in policy, pragmatic diplomacy was a continuance of the foreign policy track which had been started by Chiang Ching-kuo who had assumed the presidential office from his father Chiang Kai-shek in April 1975. The increasing international isolation of the ROC required a radical foreign policv response from Taipei. The ROC's expulsion from the United Nations in 1971 and subsequent incremental diplomatic de-recognition by its poll 'ical allies necessitated policy reform by the KMT government. This was not forthcoming .inder Chiang Kai-shek, Signs of pragmatism in policy-making began to arise under tile Chiang Ching-kuo administration. This trend continued and was formalised under Lee Teng-hui, Pragmatic diplomacy was designated as an official foreign policy under the Lee Tenghui presidency. Providing an historical background to pragmatic diplomacy, this study will pursue Taiwan's foreign policy progression and account for its development since 1949. The primary focus of the study is, however, on the period 1988 to 1996, from the official beginning of pragmatic diplomacy to the end of the process of democratic transition with the ROC-on- Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996. This was the "honeymoon" period of Taiwan's move away from an authoritarian system of government. It was during this eight-year period that Taipei's foreign policy underwent a dramatic shift in focus, one which cast off the restrictions placed upon it by domestic authoritarian politics to one which became accountable to the populace under the island's democratic transformation. For the purposes of this study, the fcreign policy of the ROC will be examined from 1949 with the removal of the ROC's seat of government from the mainland to Taipei, Taiwan. This came as a direct result of the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) forces to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Chinese civil war. Following its expulsion from the mainland by the Chinese Communists, the island of Taiwan became the refuge of the ROC government under the control of the KMT. The post World War II legal status of Taiwan had previously been set out in the November 1943 Cairo Declaraticn which stated that "all territories Japan had stolen from the Chinese, such as Maner.aria, Formosa [Taiwan}, and the Pescadores, shall be returned to the Republic of China. " In July 1945, the heads of government of the United States (US), Great Britain, and the ROC further declared in the Potsdam Declaration that "the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out. "This was later adhered 10 by the Soviet Union, France, and Japan. Shortly thereafter, Chinese troops occupied Taiwan with the territory being declared a province of China. In 1949, the government of the ROC was moved from Nanking to Taipei! while the CCP created a new regime, the People's Republic of China (PRe), in Beijing.' The result was two rival governments both claiming to be the sale legal representative of the Chinese state, each wanting to reunify the country in its own image. Since the claim to legitimacy was mutual, the "one China principle" whereby each claimed to be the rightful and legal representative of the state of China, was paramount in the internal and international politics of each regime. This was of particular importance to the ROC which was the apparent weaker regime having been exiled to Taiwan, losing the vast majority of its territory, population, and resources in the process. Beijing and Taipei held steadfast to the doctrine of a single Chinese state and as such refused to recognise each others' political existence. Thus the Chinese civil war did not end in 1949 with the expulsion of the KMT from the mainland - it merely continued from a distance. After withdrawing to Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed that one day he would, "counterattack and recover the mainland ." 3 This position formed the rhetorical mainstay of the ROC's polic. for the following three decades. Almost five decades later, this ideal has not been realised and the ROC is still rooted on Taiwan. Since this time, the ROC's reunification policy toward the PRC has shifted from one of military confrontation to one which stresses peaceful political reunification under Sun Yat-sen's ideology of the "Three Principles of the People"." The ROC's policy has become far less hostile over time. The tempering of ROC policy has coincided with Taiwan's economic development, industrial modernisation, and programme of political reform and democratisation. All of these factors have contributed to this change and will be emphasised in this study as having impacted upon Taiwan's foreign policy progression. A moot point of contention which requires clarification is the term "foreign policy" in the case of the ROC. Due to both the ROC and PRC's strict adherence to the one China principle, each side has, and still continues to, regard its policy toward the other as being domestic rather than foreign in nature. This creates difficulties in deh.ung Taipei's policy vis-a-vis the mainland. According to Wilkenfeld, foreign policy can be defined as, " ...those official actions which sovereign states initiate for the purpose 0/ altering or creaung a condition outside their territorial-sovereign boundaries ." 5 Accepting this definition, two questions are raised: firstly, what is the sovereign status of Taiwan?; and secondly, if sovereign, how far, both politically and physically, does the ROC's sovereignty extend? These thematic issues are central to the thesis. Suffice to say at this introductory stage, it is argued that the ROC's mainland (i.e. the PRe) policy was indeed a foreign and not a domestic policy. Since 1949, Taiwan has been ruled by a separate and distinct governmental authority controlled by the KMT. During this half-century period, Taiwan has possessed a different political, economic, and social structure to that which has existed on the mainland under CCP control. Therefore, in reality, and despite its own prior claims to the contrary, the ROC has operated as a distinct dejacto independent entity. Taiwan's policy toward the mainland was thus, to all intents and purposes, «foreign policy. This study will consider it as such. / GR2017

In Taiwan, the rubber industry began to bloom from the Japanese Colonial Era, and most of the rubber technologies were originated from Japan. Its evolution began from the rubber parts to the synthetic rubber manufacturing. The most of synthetic rubber manufacturers are cooperated with companies from Japan and US, the rubber industry was allowed to develop vigorously in a short period of time. In contrary to Taiwan, China could only obtain the obsolete rubber technologies and management skills from the Former USSR due to economy sanction during the Cold War period. The rubber industries lagged behind in terms of quality, production efficiency, and management. As China embraced the Socialist Planned Economy after the Communist Victory in Civil War, the marketing and sales made subject to state control and development was being dragged. After the Reform and Opening-Up, although there were a bunch of rubber manufacturers from Japan and western countries started to establish local production activities in China, the foreign investment bogged down after the Tiananman Square Protest in 1989. Only the Taiwanese manufacturers moved their steps to China against the tide with modern production technologies and management skills. The complementary development brought by Taiwan and China contributed significant improvement in quality of Chinese rubber goods and became a story on everybody¡¦s lips on the cooperation of the rubber industries between two sides of Taiwan Strait. Rubber industries are closely related to national defense and consumer goods, which makes themselves equally import to plastic industries. However, due to the labor-intensive nature of rubber industries and the serious lack of labor force in Taiwan in 1990¡¦s, the Taiwanese rubber industries began to move their production sites to China and accelerated the inosculation of the rubber industries in Taiwan and China. As the main raw material of rubber industries, the synthetic rubber is no exceptional either. In the end of 20th Century, China has successfully become the ¡§World Factory¡¨ and the consumption and capacity of synthetic rubber became the top of the world. Then the financial crisis in 2008 turned the China¡¦s policies to concentrate the development of the domestic demand, which made China the ¡§World Market¡¨. In recent years, the relationships between Taiwan and China have been substantially improved. The Economy Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) is officially signed and taking effects, the economical activities and relationships between both sides are expected to be more liberalized than the past. The study is specially focused on the evolution of the marketing channel of the synthetic rubber between Taiwan and China, and how ECFA is going to possibly affect the synthetic rubber industries. The study will integrate the writer¡¦s points of view and the various ideas abstracted from the interviews with the several Associations and main agents/distributors in Taiwan and China in order to infer the trends of future development of rubber industries. With this study, the readers who are in the business are allowed to be more clear about the evolution of the marketing channel of the synthetic rubber industries and the trends of future development, so that the readers can take the initiatives to prepare for the future.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1992.

Univ., Diss.--Jena, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. 205 - 226.