The purpose of the study is to determine how the teacher discipline system in British Columbia changed as a result of Bill 20, the Teaching Profession Act and Revised School Act of 1987. The nature of the discipline system both before and after Bill 20 was described and the significance of changes to the education community indicated. Before 1987, teacher discipline was governed by a statutory model, pursuant to provisions of the School Act The current system, a collective bargaining model, is governed by the Industrial Relations Act, 75 collective agreements, and arbitral jurisprudence. The study reviews differences in those two systems both generally, and specifically. An analysis of legislative frameworks governing teacher discipline across Canada, as well as a brief overview of the American system, allows the conclusion that the B.C. teacher discipline system is one of a kind in North America and not likely modeled after any other on the continent. To compare the two teacher discipline systems and also to describe them in relation to theoretical concepts, the following were analyzed: (1) legal frameworks governing employer-employee relationships in general, theoretical concepts used to describe employee discipline systems, and studies of employee discipline, especially in the unionized environment and in the case of teachers, (2) decisions of all boards of reference and review commisions prior to 1988, (3) all reported B.C. teacher grievances, specifically discipline-related grievances, and arbitration awards between 1988 and 1991, (4) collective agreement provisions in effect in 1991 related to matters of teacher discipline, (5) critical arbitral jurisprudence on employee (and teacher) discipline, and (6) B.C. teacher discipline cases before 1988 which fell outside the regulated system but resulted in court decisions. The study concluded that the previous teacher discipline system in B.C. was an inferior system, unfair and patronizing at best, but biased against teachers, and open to political manipulation at worst. Only limited teacher discipline decisions prior to changes in legislation were appealed, and even then, often to inexperienced and non-objective bodies. The current system promises to provide more regulated, predictable, and fair treatment, although more knowledge, skills, training and personnel are required to manage the system.

The purpose of the study is to determine how the teacher discipline system in British Columbia changed as a result of Bill 20, the Teaching Profession Act and Revised School Act of 1987. The nature of the discipline system both before and after Bill 20 was described and the significance of changes to the education community indicated. Before 1987, teacher discipline was governed by a statutory model, pursuant to provisions of the School Act The current system, a collective bargaining model, is governed by the Industrial Relations Act, 75 collective agreements, and arbitral jurisprudence. The study reviews differences in those two systems both generally, and specifically. An analysis of legislative frameworks governing teacher discipline across Canada, as well as a brief overview of the American system, allows the conclusion that the B.C. teacher discipline system is one of a kind in North America and not likely modeled after any other on the continent. To compare the two teacher discipline systems and also to describe them in relation to theoretical concepts, the following were analyzed: (1) legal frameworks governing employer-employee relationships in general, theoretical concepts used to describe employee discipline systems, and studies of employee discipline, especially in the unionized environment and in the case of teachers, (2) decisions of all boards of reference and review commisions prior to 1988, (3) all reported B.C. teacher grievances, specifically discipline-related grievances, and arbitration awards between 1988 and 1991, (4) collective agreement provisions in effect in 1991 related to matters of teacher discipline, (5) critical arbitral jurisprudence on employee (and teacher) discipline, and (6) B.C. teacher discipline cases before 1988 which fell outside the regulated system but resulted in court decisions. The study concluded that the previous teacher discipline system in B.C. was an inferior system, unfair and patronizing at best, but biased against teachers, and open to political manipulation at worst. Only limited teacher discipline decisions prior to changes in legislation were appealed, and even then, often to inexperienced and non-objective bodies. The current system promises to provide more regulated, predictable, and fair treatment, although more knowledge, skills, training and personnel are required to manage the system. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This study was undertaken in an attempt to provide Information regarding the attitudes of beginning teachers toward teaching in B.C. schools. The information obtained is relevant to the more general problem of the shortage of teachers in B.C. The study sought to: 1. Describe the beginning teacher biographically 2. Describe her teaching situation 3. Describe her attitudes toward teaching 4. Describe her attitudes toward her teacher training In order to achieve a most representative sample, all beginning teachers in 1958 - 59 were sent a questionnaire. This study analyzed the first 80% of the returns and comparisons were made between the attitudes and opinions expressed by: 1. B.C. and U.S. beginning teachers 2. Men and women beginning teachers 3. Elementary level and secondary level beginning teachers 4. Urban and rural beginning teachers 5. Beginning teachers trained at the U.B.C. College of Education and at Victoria College. Some 591 beginning B.C. teachers in 1958 - 59 answered 91 questions, thereby providing a broad base on which to build future studies concerning related problems in this area. It is felt that the findings obtained in this study can be useful to further research. / Arts, Faculty of / Psychology, Department of / Graduate

This study reports a survey of teacher perceptions of the teacher evaluation process. Three hundred fifty-three practicing British Columbia teachers responded to a fifty-six item questionnaire designed to investigate their experiences with teacher evaluation and to estimate their satisfaction and confidence with respect to the instruments, the procedure and the evaluators. Information was obtained about the reports, their style, distribution, frequency, and availability to teachers; the evaluation techniques used, including visitation for observation and forms of communication with the teachers; and reactions of teachers to the reports, the evaluators, and the process in general. The design of the questionnaire highlights the position of the principal as an evaluator as compared to that of other evaluators. Open-ended questions were included to clarify response in some areas. Opinions were sought in some more general areas to test the existence of perceived need for change, to obtain teachers’ suggestions as to the direction such change might take, and to sample teachers' perceptions as to the efficacy of teacher evaluation practices for the improvement of instruction. Major conclusions were that present practice is essentially inspectorial in nature and only partially oriented to the improvement of instruction; that teachers generally accept present practice though substantial minorities express lack of satisfaction and confidence with respect to many aspects of it; and that teachers are divided as to whether the principal's roles as evaluator and educational leader conflict. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

No description available.

In British Columbia, teachers and school trustees have been permitted to negotiate and arbitrate teachers’ salaries since 1919. Amendments to the school law in 1933 and 1937 introduced demandable adjudication of tenure disputes and demandable arbitration of salaries. Since 1958, conciliation and arbitration have been compulsory. The provincial government has consistently held that school boards are teachers' employers, and maintenance of local board autonomy has been the expressed desire of government, teachers, and trustees. The investigation, which depended chiefly upon articles in periodicals, supplemented by interviews, Inquired into the effects of arbitration upon some of the parties involved in public education in B.C. Emphasis was placed on examining changes in teachers’ economic status and in the organization and methods of operation of the British Columbia Teachers' Federation. Consideration was also given to related changes in the British Columbia School Trustees' Association and to changes in government policy. Arbitration of salary disputes with trustees was the choice of B.C. teachers in preference to striking when negotiated settlements could not be reached. However, teachers have been narrowly limited by the bargaining and arbitration provisions of the Public Schools Acts when compared with the scope permitted employees under B.C.'s labour laws. The evidence was not available by which to discriminate accurately between the effects of arbitration and collective bargaining in raising teachers' salaries. During the period 1931-61, teachers raised their income level in relation to the average incomes paid for professional employment both in the province and in the nation as a whole. Salary anomalies within the B.C. sector of the profession have been virtually eliminated, but a new anomaly was created by the rapid rise in teachers’ salaries after the Second World War. In some school districts, the salaries of senior principals exceeded those paid to district superintendents of schools, who were employees of the provincial government. The rising level of teachers' salaries, combined with increasing school construction costs, have been used as arguments for expanded provincial school grants to municipalities. The school law, as it existed in 1911, delegated considerable authority to school boards and gave them a preponderance of power in relation to their employees. The amendment of 1919, which permitted negotiation and arbitration of salaries, did nothing to disturb the relationship. To counterbalance trustees' power, teachers organized — initially as a federation of local teacher associations. Even when arbitration became demandable, school trustees refused to arbitrate more issues than required by law and generally would not negotiate school board policies that affected teachers' working conditions. Teachers therefore took steps to increase their unity and strength, which increased the efficiency of the B.C.T.F. as a bargaining unit. When attempts to negotiate issues with their employers failed, teachers adopted alternative methods to gain their ends. They appealed to the public for support, engaged in alliances with various organizations to pursue specific objectives, used the professional boycott, and negotiated directly with the provincial government for redress of grievances with their employers. The government responded to these appeals by severely limiting trustees’ administrative discretion, and by legislating upon teachers' pensions and other employment benefits. Teachers’professional aspirations to share, with trustees and provincial government, the power to determine educational policy have generally been unsuccessful, but they have gained influence in some policy areas. Major negotiations between teachers and trustees have tended to shift from the local to provincial level and, since 1956, trustees have made changes in their provincial organization to increase its effectiveness. Extensive use of conciliation, arbitration, and adjudication, has been coupled with expressed dissatisfaction at the results. This combination of events suggests that further research is required especially in development of more satisfactory criteria for negotiating occupational income levels and for measuring teaching efficiency. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Those who enter into graduate study bring with them a diverse array of needs and interests. Graduate programmes are called upon to meet these needs and in endeavoring to do so,institutions providing training must look at the increasing diversity of the field. One way to do this is to determine what graduates of professional training do as practicing adult educators. This study was designed to answer some of the questions regarding the impact of a degree for men and women in adult education on their career paths, job mobility, income levels, and so on. In this study, current patterns in career development of adult educators and trends in the field of adult education were profiled by surveying 1960 through 1988 graduates of the Adult Education Programme at the University of British Columbia. The study examined occupational placement of graduates and the factors determining their mobility. As well, the relationship between training and work activities was explored. Further, graduates described their learning needs which were examined in terms of their work activities. The nature and degree of their participation in continuing professional education were examined. In addition, the reasons for initial enrollment in the programme were investigated. One of the major facets of the study was to discover the differences, if any, between men and women in many areas of career development. The following general research questions were pursued: 1) What reasons do graduates give for their participation in the adult education programme? 2) Do men and women share a similar education and occupation profile? 3) In what way has self-assessed occupational prestige changed over time? 4) Do graduates of the five Adult Education Programmes (Diploma, M.Ed., M.Sc., M.A., and Ed.D.) perform different occupational functions in their present work? 5) What factors influence occupational mobility? and 6) Are there relationships between present occupational activities, self-perceived quality of training in specified occupational activities and self-reported need to continue learning in these activities? Respondents (approximately half of all graduates) were typically female (59.2%), age 39 on graduation. She had worked four and a half years in adult education prior to entry in the programme and was motivated to participate in the programme to increase her chances of professional advancement. She took less than three years to complete her degree and has held three jobs since graduation. She works full-time in a position where administration or management is the primary function and considers her opportunities for occupational mobility as average or high. She earns $46,000 per year (1988). In general, respondents cited reasons related to professional advancement as their motivation for participation in the programme. Women and men tended to be similar in their educational and occupational profile, which was unanticipated in examining previous research. However, a significant discrepancy was found in the annual income earned by women and men working in adult education positions. This discrepancy was not evident between men and women working outside of the field. Generally, self-assessed occupational prestige increased over time, though the biggest jump was seen in the period since graduation. Graduates of the five departmental programmes weighed similarly, though not identically, the amount of time spent in fourteen specified occupational activities. Very few occupational, educational, or demographic factors seemed to influence occupational mobility, except age at graduation. There seemed to be a weak relationship between occupational functions performed by graduates at the time of the survey, their assessment of the programme in preparing them to perform these functions, and the self-reported need to continue their education in these specified functions. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This study attempts to determine the Profile and Problems of Part-time Faculty in British Columbia Community Colleges, based on a sampling from six of the fourteen colleges in the province. These institutions were British Columbia Institute of Technology, Capilano College, Douglas College, East Kootenay College, Fraser Valley College, and Vancouver Community College. Each of the six institutions represented a unique combination of characteristics such as age of the college, geographical area covered, multi-campus or single campus, melded or unmelded (i.e. amalgamation of the college with local provincial vocational institutes), and historical usage of part-time faculty. Data for a time analysis were collected from college records which gave the distribution of part-time faculty by semester and by curriculum area for the last three to five years. This helped to determine trends in the use of part-time faculty. A questionnaire was used as the data collection instrument for establishing the profile and problems. It was sent to every part-time faculty member who had taught in the selected colleges for the past two years. The ratio of part-time to full-time faculty in the colleges varied from approximately 0.3:1 to 1.8:1 with an average ratio of 0.7:1. The ratios are highest in the vocational training area (approximately 2:1) followed by the university transfer area (approximately 0.7:1) and the career/technical area, (approximately 0.6:1). There is a significant difference in the ratio of part-time to full-time faculty members among the colleges in the study. Furthermore in almost all other categories differences were significant. This could reflect the autonomy and varying needs of individual colleges. Based on the data gathered in the study the'typical' part-time college faculty member is male; lives within an hour's drive of the college; works in business and commerce as a managerial employee; makes about $24,000 a year from all sources; or makes about $15,000 a year if his principal source of income was from teaching in colleges; would accept an offer of full-time employment in a college if he were given suitable credit for his work experience and academic credentials; is willing to take an appreciable salary cut to teach at a community college to satisfy a career choice; is not now actively looking around for a new job; teaches at only one subject and that one usually repeated while he is at the college; teaches after 4 p.m., but would prefer to teach before 4 p.m.; has at least 8 years of work experience; has at least one teaching credential and a Master's degree; has taught courses at the secondary school level and in adult education programs; teaches a non-laboratory-oriented course with technician assistance available but no marking assistance; is apt to be invited to college professional development programs, but does not attend; is not sure how much non-teaching activities are expected of him; is a member of the college's faculty association but not a voting member unless he teaches at least one-half a load; is paid proportionately less than full-time faculty; is not represented in the college faculty's bargaining unit; usually has a mail box; is as likely as not to have a desk to work at; has his teaching evaluated; and, finally, can be released without cause at the end of his contract or employment period. Officially, the colleges extend the same administration - support services to part-time faculty as to full-time faculty except that they usually do not grant the former the privilege of taking free credit courses. Salaries for part-time faculty are less than for full-time faculty. Credit is seldom given for academic and teaching credentials or for work experience. Pay rates are usually based on the lowest rate of the full-time faculty scale. Among the colleges, there is a significant difference in these pay rates. Increments are not usually given and when they are they plateau at a level below that attainable by full-time faculty. Faculty agreements say very little about part-time faculty beyond defining their category as a teacher. Generally part-time faculty are not officially represented by faculty associations. The recently enacted "British Columbia Colleges and Provincial Institutes Act" may resolve this restriction with some form of province-wide representation. There was no agreement among the colleges on the criteria - for transition from part-time to full-time status. College administrations reported that generally part-time faculty have the same right, if not as ready access to, administrative support services. Part-time faculty at all colleges, are usually unorganized. They do not have positions on faculty association executives and are not members of bargaining committees. Faculty associations seem quite ambivalent about the interests of part-time faculty. There is an obvious community of interest between full-time and part-time faculty but there are equally obvious problems in granting part-time faculty more representation on faculty associations. Part-time faculty are generally defined in terms of full-time faculty. College faculty agreements deal mainly with the interests of full-time faculty. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This inquiry is about genuine practice in Early Childhood Education and the value of trusting relationships among child care practitioners as they converse about their practice. This participatory research project outlines the processes and describes the meaning that sustained, stmctured conversation about genuine practice had on four Vancouver area child care practitioners over a six month period. Conversation was used as both a method of collecting data and a process to undertake to improve practice. Conversation provided us with a way to reconstruct and reinterpret our experiences, improve our understanding of ourselves as teachers and our understanding of children, and restructure our personal knowledge of teaching and children. The participants understood being genuine as "being me" and "being connected" to children and themselves. They also spoke of it as acts of resistance against ways of being that can oppress children. I explain why genuine practice is an important concept for educators to discuss and should be used to supplement the current focus on curriculum planning in child care training. Feniinist epistemology, curriculum theory and autobiography have influenced this work. It is also informed by my 20 years of child care practice. This research stems from my desire to know my role as teacher better and to add to the growing knowledge about the value of conversation and genuine practice. Sustained, structured conversation can be a valuable tool for professional development. It can help practitioners become more reflective by providing contexts where they are able to achieve a sense of trust, and listen well to one another. Sustained, structured conversation can also support the improvement of practice when participants refrain from giving advice but ask genuine questions and share stories of their practice. The participants reported that they became more reflective in their work with children as they became reacquainted with their beliefs and values. They showed a greater propensity toward self-questioning as the conversations advanced. The participants also reported that the conversations provided emotional support needed during times of work-related stress and that building relationships outside of the work place was an important feature of the research.

This inquiry is about genuine practice in Early Childhood Education and the value of trusting relationships among child care practitioners as they converse about their practice. This participatory research project outlines the processes and describes the meaning that sustained, stmctured conversation about genuine practice had on four Vancouver area child care practitioners over a six month period. Conversation was used as both a method of collecting data and a process to undertake to improve practice. Conversation provided us with a way to reconstruct and reinterpret our experiences, improve our understanding of ourselves as teachers and our understanding of children, and restructure our personal knowledge of teaching and children. The participants understood being genuine as "being me" and "being connected" to children and themselves. They also spoke of it as acts of resistance against ways of being that can oppress children. I explain why genuine practice is an important concept for educators to discuss and should be used to supplement the current focus on curriculum planning in child care training. Feniinist epistemology, curriculum theory and autobiography have influenced this work. It is also informed by my 20 years of child care practice. This research stems from my desire to know my role as teacher better and to add to the growing knowledge about the value of conversation and genuine practice. Sustained, structured conversation can be a valuable tool for professional development. It can help practitioners become more reflective by providing contexts where they are able to achieve a sense of trust, and listen well to one another. Sustained, structured conversation can also support the improvement of practice when participants refrain from giving advice but ask genuine questions and share stories of their practice. The participants reported that they became more reflective in their work with children as they became reacquainted with their beliefs and values. They showed a greater propensity toward self-questioning as the conversations advanced. The participants also reported that the conversations provided emotional support needed during times of work-related stress and that building relationships outside of the work place was an important feature of the research. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate