Thesis (Ph. D.)--Claremont Graduate School, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 386-401).

Thesis (M.A.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Sept. 7, 2007) "Master of Arts in arbitration and dispute resolution research dissertation" Includes bibliographical references.

The United States' ability to compete in many international markets has been based on competitive advantage in high-technology products. Until recently, these industries had a favorable trade balance but in 1987, it slipped to deficit of $0.6 billion. Management of research and development programs is one of the most important elements in remaining competitive. Therefore, this research study of 291 high-technology firms was undertaken to determine if: (1) a positive relationship exists between the amount of investment in research and development (R&D) and a firms success in sales, net income, or market share, (2) excessive investment in R&D would decrease profitability, (3) there exists a "critical mass" of R&D spending for a firm to remain competitive. The results of this study indicates that while R&D is an important factor in high-technology industries, it is not the driving force in the success of a firm. Successful management requires a more systemic approach which considers many factors including research and development. There was no evidence found that excessive investment decreases profits and no indication that a "critical mass" of R&D was required for a high-technology firm. This study found lag times from R&D investment to the time of impact on sales, net income and market share. The lag times did not have significant correlations in most cases but appeared to be in agreement with the opinions of industry experts surveyed in field interviews. It was also found that the leading high-technology firms budget R&D by a percent of sales or prior years budget method. This approach may be very detrimental to effective management of research programs since it may reduce funding for at a time when it should be increased in order to develop new products and technologies. The results indicate that start-up firms can compete effectively with mature firms. Leading start-up companies generally spend more as a percent of sales on R&D than mature firms but appear to be as effective in managing their research effort. The results of this study has implications for stakeholders of high-technology industries in understanding some important elements in the management of successful R&D programs.

The theme of high-technology economic base and regional development, around which this research is based, has been receiving increased attention from policy-makers and researchers in recent years. This partly reflects the reappraisal of the emerging structural changes which have been stimulated by the negative effects of the economic recessions of the past decade. It also reflects the rapid growth and expansion of high-technology firms in centers like the well-publicized Silicon Valley in California, Route 128 in Massachusetts, and the Research Triangle in North Carolina. Promoting a high-technology economic base thus has been widely adopted as a regional development policy for the 1980s. The objective of this research is to examine and analyze those attributes of the regional economy that contribute to the start-up and expansion of high-technology activity. It is hypothesized that the forces determining where new firms will locate are different from those determining whether existing firms expand, contract, or move. This study utilizes the product life cycle model as the conceptual framework, and seeks to identify factors and conditions which are critical in determining the growth and locational patterns of high technology firms. To address the suggested hypotheses, this study involves an analysis of the 100 largest U.S. metropolitan areas covering the period from 1976 to 1984. High-technology firms were selected as those Standard Industrial Classifications (SICs) with a proportion of technology-oriented workers equal to or greater than the average for all manufacturing industries, and whose ratios of R&D expenditures to sales were close to or above average for all industries. Data on birth rates, closure rates, expansion rates, contraction rates, and net change in number of firms were used as dependent variables in the analysis. Independent variables were various measures of high-technology employment, total employment, venture capital, research and development, average housing price, state corporate tax rate, tax effort, average manufacturing wage, industrial incentive, transportation access, climate index, effective property tax rate, unitary tax, and U.S. regions. A descriptive analysis of the geographic variations in dependent variables, and tests of significance to determine if there are differences in values among U.S. census regions, is reported. The result showed that high-technology firms growth rate is not distributed evenly across the regions. The regional differences in high-tech growth rates are largely due to differences in birth rates. The West South Central, Pacific, and South Atlantic regions have the highest birth rates of high-technology firms; while New England States and Northeast regions have the lowest birth rates of high-tech firms. Expansion and closure rates parallel the same pattern as birth rates, while contraction rates are relatively consistent in all regions. Multiple regression analysis was employed to test the relationships between dependent and independent variables. Results showed that high levels of high-technology employment were not positively associated with the growth rate of high-technology firms. The high-tech employment variable, however, did not distinguish between the proportion of low and high-tech occupations among high-tech industry grouping and, therefore, may not represent the availability of highly skilled labor. The wage rate variable, which reflects skill levels, indicates a positive relationship with birth and closure rates. This result is an indication that a high level of wage is positively associated with high-tech birth as well as closure, suggesting that the causal relationship may be operating in the opposite direction. That is, high-technology activity drives up wage rates thereby reflecting probable skill levels. Moreover, it appears that high-technology firms are less sensitive to wage rates. Housing price is both positively related and statistically significant to expansion rates. This did not, however imply that the cost of housing may be a cause for expansion, but rather may represent a growth pressure on the housing supply due to job location. Furthermore, from the results presented in this study, factors such as venture capital, industrial incentives, amenities, and transportation accessibility were found to have very low or negligible association with the growth rate of high-technology firms. Other location factors, such as taxes, were negatively related. The research findings of this study tended not to support the product cycle model. On the basis of these findings, the present research suggests caution in using the product cycle model for interpreting and explaining the development of high-technology complexes. This study concludes that there may be a need to incorporate market, time and place oriented concept to future study that will contribute more to the understanding of high technology development so that communities seeking to attract high-technology firms can understand the stages of a company's growth, the products it makes, the type of work force it employs, and the attributes of the area.

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

This thesis examines city conditions that attract high tech companies in Canada and the United States, gives an insight into the high tech industry in Richmond, analyses factors that determine the location of high tech in the City of Richmond, and identifies possible actions that the City of Richmond could take to attract high technology. The problem statement focuses on factors that determine the location of high tech industries in North American cities, generally, and in the City of Richmond, specifically. The thesis' methodology consists of a literature review, survey and interview research, statistical analysis, and policies and zoning regulations review. The economic and planning literature have provided better understanding of the definition of high tech industry, the types of high technology clusters, and the locational factors affecting the spatial distribution of high tech companies. Both the survey and the interview questions have focused on the effective methods of attracting high tech industries, the conditions making high tech industries successful in the surveyed cities, the development characteristics supporting high tech industries, the development tools used by the cities in practice, and the current effective planning approaches to high technology. The statistical analysis and the review of policies and zoning regulations have provided an insight into the number and size of the high tech companies located in the city of Richmond, as well as into Richmond's policies related to high technology. This thesis finds that high tech industries are foot - loose industries that often change locations due to factors, such as better tax climate, availability of an educated workforce, and post - secondary institutions presence. As a result, there is no standard framework to explain the locational pattern of high technology. However, this thesis identifies two sets of locational factors - general and specific - that are decisive for high technology today. There is an obvious requirement for general locational factors, such as a skilled workforce, post-secondary educational institutions proximity, linkages to other industries, good public transit, good quality business parks, higher building densities, and affordable housing. The specific locational factors depend on the type of high tech sector, and they are required by certain high tech sectors, such as biotechnology. The locational factors revealed by this thesis do not represent a framework that is applicable to all communities that aim to attract high tech businesses. However, the findings of this thesis present valid information for any community to consider before pursuing high tech policies and programs. In addition, this thesis leads to recommendations regarding the steps that communities could undertake in order to develop successful high tech policies and programs.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-120). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xi, 120 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 6, 2009). Advisor: David H. Kaplan. Keywords: High technology; Urban change; Bengaluru. Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-253).

This thesis examines city conditions that attract high tech companies in Canada and the United States, gives an insight into the high tech industry in Richmond, analyses factors that determine the location of high tech in the City of Richmond, and identifies possible actions that the City of Richmond could take to attract high technology. The problem statement focuses on factors that determine the location of high tech industries in North American cities, generally, and in the City of Richmond, specifically. The thesis' methodology consists of a literature review, survey and interview research, statistical analysis, and policies and zoning regulations review. The economic and planning literature have provided better understanding of the definition of high tech industry, the types of high technology clusters, and the locational factors affecting the spatial distribution of high tech companies. Both the survey and the interview questions have focused on the effective methods of attracting high tech industries, the conditions making high tech industries successful in the surveyed cities, the development characteristics supporting high tech industries, the development tools used by the cities in practice, and the current effective planning approaches to high technology. The statistical analysis and the review of policies and zoning regulations have provided an insight into the number and size of the high tech companies located in the city of Richmond, as well as into Richmond's policies related to high technology. This thesis finds that high tech industries are foot - loose industries that often change locations due to factors, such as better tax climate, availability of an educated workforce, and post - secondary institutions presence. As a result, there is no standard framework to explain the locational pattern of high technology. However, this thesis identifies two sets of locational factors - general and specific - that are decisive for high technology today. There is an obvious requirement for general locational factors, such as a skilled workforce, post-secondary educational institutions proximity, linkages to other industries, good public transit, good quality business parks, higher building densities, and affordable housing. The specific locational factors depend on the type of high tech sector, and they are required by certain high tech sectors, such as biotechnology. The locational factors revealed by this thesis do not represent a framework that is applicable to all communities that aim to attract high tech businesses. However, the findings of this thesis present valid information for any community to consider before pursuing high tech policies and programs. In addition, this thesis leads to recommendations regarding the steps that communities could undertake in order to develop successful high tech policies and programs. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning