The final quarter of the twentieth century saw the emergence of a variety of security threats, perhaps the most pernicious and least understood of which has been the rise of religiously motivated violence and terrorism. While a great deal has been written on this phenomenon, much has been in the form of individual case studies and those more inclusive examinations which have been offered deal more with the causes of religious violence and not the underlying processes of justification and operational activity. In cases where such an approach has been attempted these have been conducted in a cursory fashion, presenting generalisations which are not necessarily valid across the entire spectrum of religious violence. The purpose of this thesis is to offer a holistic examination of violence within the three revealed religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) in order to establish common features in the conduct of violence across the faiths and to provide a framework whereby the ideological and operational processes and mechanisms can be understood collectively rather than individually. In the process, a number of commonly accepted generalisations regarding religiously motivated violence will be modified or challenged. The method chosen consists of the identification of a number of key components common to all revealed violent groups, ranging from the formation of an ideology which justifies violence to the tactics that are employed, and these key components are then used to examine the behaviour of three distinct group types. The three group types are represented by ten case studies, chosen to reflect the variety of group types that have existed and continue to exist. The objective is to present a broad framework which will enable a greater understanding of how religiously motivated violence is justified both to internal and external audiences, the manner in which this violence is expressed operationally, and the degree to which the course and trajectory of group violence may be anticipated.

Several armed Islamist movements have shown remarkable behavioural and ideological transformations towards non-violence. The "de-radicalization" processes of these movements removed tens of thousands of former militants from the ranks of al-Qa'ida's supporter and acted as disincentives for would-be militants. These processes have taken place on a large scale in Egypt and Algeria, and on a smaller scale in Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, Tajikistan, Malaysia and Indonesia. / This dissertation addresses crucial lacunae in the literature on Islamism, security and counterterrorism studies by asking the question 'why do radical Islamist militants revise their ideologies, strategies and objectives and initiate a de-radicalization process.' The dissertation also aims to answer the question of what are the necessary conditions under which this process can be successful. In the following chapters, I analyze how such factors as state policies, charismatic leadership and social interaction between the layers of an Islamist organization, as well as between the same organization and the "other," can all interact to shape the prospects for renunciation violence, both behaviourally and ideologically, by an Islamist movement. Empirically, I analyze the deradicalization processes of three cases in Egypt (the armed wings of the Muslim Brothers, the Islamic Group and al-Jihad Organization) and one case in Algeria (Islamic Salvation Army and affiliated militias). I also analyze two cases of deradicalization failure in Algeria, as a means to further explicate and examine my variables. / The arguments in the dissertation are based on qualitative comparative research. Archival interviews, supplemented by personal ones, with Islamist leaders, mid-ranking commanders, grassroots organization members, Islamist movements' specialists, former security and intelligence officers and state officials are analyzed to help identify the potential causes of de-radicalization from different perspectives. Content analysis is also used to examine original literature and statements produced by the Islamist groups under study and their leaders to both legitimize and, at a later stage, to de-legitimize violence. / In the conclusion, the dissertation provides a comprehensive theoretical framework that explains the causes of de-radicalization of armed Islamist movements. It also provides direction for future research agendas and addresses policy implications relevant to de-radicalization. / Plusieurs mouvements islamistes armes ont donne les signes d'importants changements sur le plan du comportement et de l'ideologie en faveur de la nonviolence. Les processus de de-radicalisation de ces mouvements ont conduit au retrait de dizaines de milliers d'anciens militants des rangs des supporteurs d' Al Qaida et ont eu un effet dissuasif sur ceux qui songeaient a se joindre a eux. Ces processus ont eu lieu a grande echelle en Egypte et en Algerie et a plus petite echelle en Libye, en Arabie Saoudite, au Yemen, en Jordanie, au Tadjikistan, en Malaisie et en Indonesie. / Cette these porte sur des lacunes importantes dans la litterature sur l'islamisme, les etudes de securite et le contreterrorisme. Elle cherche a savoir pourquoi les militants radicaux islamistes ont revise leurs ideologies, leurs strategies et leur objectifs et initie un processus de de-radicalisation. Cette these vise arepondre a ces questions afin de comprendre les conditions necessaires a la reussite d'un tel processus. Au cours des chapitres suivants, j'analyse comment des facteurs tels que les politiques etatiques, le leadership charismatique, et les interactions sociales entre les couches d'une organisation islamiste ainsi qu'entre la meme organisation et l' « Autre» peuvent tous interagir pour modifier les perspectives d'un mouvement islamiste de fayon aI'amener arenoncer ala violence, tant dans son comportement que dans son ideologie. De fayon empirique, j'analyse les processus de deradicalisation de trois cas en Egypte (l'aile armee des Freres musulmans, le Groupe islamique et l'Organisation du al-Jihad) et d'un cas en Algerie ( l'Armee islamique du salut et les milices affiliees). J'analyse egalement deux cas d'echec de la deradicalisation en Algerie afin d'examiner mes variables. / Les arguments de cette dissertation sont fondes sur une recherche qualitative comparee. Des entrevues archivees et des entrevues que j'ai moi-meme realisees avec des autorites islamistes, des sous-officiers ainsi qu' avec de jeunes sympathisants, des militants de souche, des specialistes des mouvements islamistes, des anciens officiers de la securite et du renseignement et des employes de l' etat sont analysees afin d'aider it identifier sous differents angles les causes potentielles de de-radicalisation. L'analyse de contenu est egalement utilisee pour examiner la litterature de base ainsi que les communiques produits par des groupes islamistes et leurs chefs pour legitimer et plus tard, pour delegitimer, la violence. / En conclusion, la these presente un cadre theorique qui explique les causes de la de-radicalisation des mouvements islamistes armes. Elle propose egalement des avenues de recherche et traite des implications concemant les politiques gouvemementales et autres relatives ala de-radicalisation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 330-356). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / viii, 356 leaves, bound 29 cm

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What has come to be known within the Academy as, Identity theology, is presented in the literature as a monolithic belief system which supports and encourages terrorism and other forms of political violence. This dissertation argues that inattention to theological and social issues within the many Identity theology based groups in the US has led to a deeply flawed understanding of the relation between Identity adherents, terrorism and other political violence. Discussions about these groups in the literature are flawed and there is an imprecise understanding which has led to an inaccurate alignment of widely varied social groups with a pejorative classification that is neither descriptive of the various theologies at work, nor the social manifestations observed in these groups. Further, the research suggests that the academic community known as “Terrorism Studies” continues to contribute to the inaccurate understanding and that those inaccuracies are likely impediments to effective government policy in relation to the phenomenon known as Identity theology. The research presented here suggests that there are both theological and social distinctions, which can and should be delineated and understood by all those researching Identity groups. The research highlights four significant types or differences within what is now known as Identity theology, by highlighting the nuances between social groups including the Church of Israel, Covenant, Sword and the Arm of the Lord (CSA), Mission to Israel, KKK and Aryan Nations and suggests that a more precise understanding of the differences could lead to declining instances of violence and more openness to positive social change by those who currently follow these very different types of theological belief systems.

The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.