This study examines the relations of white Baptists with racial and ethnic minorities in Texas from the beginning of organized Baptist work in Texas in the mid-nineteenth century, through the United States Supreme Court decision in the Brown v. Topeka case in 1954, Emphasizing the role of attitudes in forming actions, it examines the ideas of various leaders of the chief Baptist bodies in Texas: the artist General Convention of Texas, the Baptist Missionary Association of Texas and the American Baptist Convention. The minorities included in the work are the Negroes, the Mexican-Americans, non-Anglo-Saxon Europeans, American Indians, Orientals, and Jews. Several factors tend to justify a study of this subject. First, there is the prominence of race relations in the nation which has aroused interest in the effect which race relations have had upon affairs in Texas, Second, the widespread changes which have taken place in Texas during, the last two decades suggest the feasibility of a study of that phenomenon, and the fact that many consider the race problem to be a moral and religious issue indicates the relevance of the churches' relationships to these changes. As the largest religious denomination in the state, the Baptists offer a viable subject for study. Finally, since to date no study specifically relating to the Baptists of Texas and their role in race relations in the state has been made, it is felt that such a study will contribute to an understanding of the situation. The scope of this study, in point of time, extends from about 1850 to the early 1960's, in order to consider the reactions of Texas Baptists to the Brown decision of the United States Supreme Court. From the standpoint of subject, the study has been limited to leaders of the Baptist denomination. Their statements on the race issue as well as actions which may or may not have supported their statements have been studied,

This study deals only with the attitudes held by ministers who cooperate in the Baptist General Convention of Texas.

The relationship between Texas Baptists and slavery is studied with an emphasis on the official statements made about the institution in denominational sources combined with a statistical analysis of the extent of slaveholding among Baptists. A data list of over 5,000 names was pared to 1100 names of Baptists in Texas prior to 1865 and then cross-referenced on slaveownership through the use of federal censuses and county tax rolls. Although Texas Baptists participated economically in the slave system, they always maintained that blacks were children of God worthy of religious instruction and salvation. The result of these disparate views was a paradox between treating slaves as chattels while welcoming them into mixed congregations and allowing them some measure of activity within those bodies. Attitudes expressed by white Baptists during the antebellum period were continued into the post-war years as well. Meanwhile, African-American Baptists gradually withdrew from white dominated congregations, forming their own local, regional, and state organizations. In the end, whites had no choice but to accept the new-found status of the Freedmen, cooperating with black institutions on occasion. Major sources for this study include church, associational, and state Baptist minutes; county and denominational histories; and government documents. The four appendices list associations, churches, and counties with extant records. Finally, private accounts of former slaves provide valuable insight into the interaction between white and black Baptists.

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"This thesis proposes to investigate the theory posed by Comer Vann Howard in 'The Strange Career of Jim Crow.' Woodward claims that complete physical segregation of Negroes was not legally established in the Southern states until the turn of the century. He further contends the period from Reconstruction until the 1890s was an era when Negroes participated in many activities with whites. This work investigates Woodward's theory in its applicability to Texas between 1874 and 1898. The study begins with redemption, which came to Texas in 1874 with the election of the first Democratic governor since the Civil War. The concluding year of 1896 was chosen because the last Negro to serve in the Texas Legislature ended his term that year."-- leaf [i].

"The primary concern of this work is to present a clearer picture of the Reconstruction period in Texas, particularly as it relates to the black. Little consideration is given to those blacks elected to public office; rather concern is placed on those outside the then 'Establishment.' To view the black in terms of those elected to public office only presents a distorted picture and negates the influence blacks had on electoral politics. In the main, evidence presented by most historians writing on this period has tended to ignore a major factor which has influenced Texas politics, namely violence. Those who acknowledge the presence of this violence tended to 'understand' the southern white and thus justify the use of this violence. The influence of violence is massive and some attempt must be made to understand the actual way in which it was directed. Here it is only established that violence was racial with some political overtones. There is no doubt that further research will prove very valuable in understanding this period."-- leaf 1.

This dissertation is a study of the subassistant commissioners of the Freedmen's Bureau in Texas from late 1865 to late 1868. Its focus is two-fold. It first examines who these men were. Were they northern born or southern? Did they own slaves? Were these men rich, poor, or from the middle-class? Did they have military experience or were they civilians? How old was the average subassistant commissioner in Texas? This work will answer what man Freedmen's Bureau officials deemed qualified to transition the former slave from bondage to freedom. Secondly, in conjunction with these questions, this work will examine the day-to-day operations of the Bureau agents in Texas, chronicling those aspects endemic to all agents as well as those unique to certain subdistricts. The demand of being a Bureau agent was immense, requiring long hours in the office fielding questions and long hours in the saddle inspecting subdistricts. In essence, their work advising, protecting, and educating the freedmen was a never ending one. The records of the Freedmen's Bureau, both the records for headquarters and the subassistant commissioners, serve as the main sources, but numerous newspapers, Texas state official correspondences, and military records proved helpful. Immense amounts of information arrived at Bureau headquarters from field personnel. This work relies heavily on reports and letters in the Bureau agents' own words. This dissertation follows a chronological approach, following the various Bureau administrations in Texas. I believe this approach allows the reader to better glimpse events as they happened.

Framed within a context of social justice, this ethnographic study queried seven Mexican American students who pursued teacher certification at a historically Black university (HBCU) in Central Texas. By examining the Mexican American students' perceptions, this study opens conversations to challenge the limited information known about Latino/as attending HBCUs and the programs that prepare preservice teachers of Color. Mexican American students and the HBCU both exist at a crossroads, an intersection of border spaces of race, class, ethnicity, gender, and ability. While border crossers defines the uniqueness of these Mexican American teacher candidates who live in contradictory realities, borderlands defines the HBCU as a site of resistance in the margins of higher education. A Black-White binary, therefore, not only is flawed but also obscures struggles common among Latinos, African Americans, and Others for an equitable education. Through interviews and small group sessions, the teacher candidates shared a high regard for educational achievement, work ethics, and teaching. From the coded data, their stories were analyzed through the lens of critical race theory, borderlands consciousness, and critical pedagogy. Although commonalities exist, each analytical perspective brought to the forefront variant aspects of race, class, gender, and abilities. Linked to these analytical frameworks was the notion of three selves: enduring, situated, and endangered, which helped to illuminate the nature of change and transformation. In tandem with the analyses were member and colleagues checks that helped to provide deeper interrogation and clarity. Findings reveal how race and class shape the teacher candidates' identities as well as the character of the university. Although the Mexican American preservice teachers bring rich cultural legacies and cross-cultural perspectives, their needs and interests are under-addressed by the institution. Yet for them, it was class disparities more than racial injustices that perpetuated problems inside and outside the HBCU. Nonetheless, these teacher candidates believe the validating experiences and cultural network, which they acquired at this HBCU, will support their teaching effectiveness in public schools. The strengths and findings of this study are therefore crucial to rethinking policies and practices as related to teacher education programs and HBCUs, and their impact on communities of Color. / text