Dans le contexte colonial, le bouddhisme était dans une situation critique. Du sud au nord, les appels des moines et des laïcs se font entendre en faveur d'une réforme en profondeur, comme le montre la voie de la rénovation bouddhique dans d'autres pays asiatiques, notamment en Chine. Fondée le 6 novembre 1934 par décision du Résident supérieur du Tonkin, l’Association bouddhique du Tonkin réunit autour de son projet un grand nombre de personnes, issues de classes sociales très différentes, afin d’œuvrer à la rénovation bouddhique. Ceci à destinations des fidèles comme des religieux avec l'objectif de rendre le bouddhisme conforme à sa doctrine, et en même temps adapté à la société dans laquelle ils vivent. En bénéficiant de nouveaux facteurs dans la vie culturelle et intellectuelle, l’Association bouddhique possède des outils modernes pour une meilleure compréhension et une diffusion plus large vers le public. Elle édite des livres et une revue, Đuốc Tuệ considérée comme son moyen privilégié pour guider les fidèles dans leur pratique quotidienne du bouddhisme dans un monde moderne. Le bouddhisme d’engagement social promu par l'association, démontre que la pratique du bouddhisme ne signifie pas seulement de prières, d’aller à la pagode et faire des offrandes. Le bouddhiste moderne c’est celui qui s’engage dans la société de son temps à travers des actions concrètes en respectant les valeurs morales bouddhiques. Par son influence dans la société, l’Association bouddhique est une version moderniste dans le domaine religieux, ce qui contribue à construire le bouddhisme moderne au Vietnam avec un nouveau visage et un nouvel esprit, l’esprit d’engagement social. / In the colonial context, Buddhism was in a critical situation. From north to south, under the influence of the movement to revive Buddhism in other Asian countries, especially in China, monks and lay people called for an extensive reformation. Founded on November 6 1934 by the decision of the governor of the Tonkin, the Tonkin Buddhist Association brought together a large number of members, from many different social classes to carry out the Buddhist revival and to address to two subjects, believers and monks, with the aim of bringing Buddhism as a religious consistent with its doctrine and the society in which they live. Inheriting the new factors in the cultural and intellectual lives, including the adoption of quốc ngữ, and the development of the press and publishing, Buddhist Association had the modern tools to explain and spread widely Buddhist teachings for better understanding to the public. It published books and magazine, Đuốc Tuệ (Flambeau de la Spiritualité), in the national language, considered as its preferred way to guide buddhism believers in their daily practice in the modern world. Social engagement of Buddhism promoted by the association, meant that the practice of Buddhism was that the modern Buddhists not only prayed, went to the temples, and offered, but also had to engage to their living society, through practical actions in accordance with the Buddhist moral values. Thanks to its influence of the society, the Tonkin Buddhist Association was a unique symbol of the innovation in the religious field, which contributed to building of the modern Buddhism in Vietnam with a new face and a new spirit, the spirit of social engagement.

This thesis is based on a study of classical Pali texts and of materials gathered during a year spent in a village in central Ceylon. The material consists in particular of interviews with monks living in nearby village monasteries. My notes of these interviews, which cover more topics than could be discussed in the thesis, are reproduced in Appendix One, and some of my printed materials are summarily presented in Appendix Two. The circumstances of my field work are detailed in the last part of the Introduction. Factually, the thesis aims to give an account of the religious beliefs and ethos of Sinhalese (Kandyan) Buddhist villagers, expressed as far as possible in their own terms. As explained in chapter 1, Buddhism is a system of belief almost exclusively concerned with liberation from this world. It is therefore necessarily secretive, requiring supplementation by beliefs concerning other matters. Beliefs about Gods and demons and how they can help or hinder human beings which to a Western observer fall within the domain of religion are not seen in these terms by Buddhists. These are therefore only examined in so far as they are relevant to the understanding of Buddhism. Issue is taken, on the other hand, with the Western interpretation of Buddhism as an essentially nonreligious philosophy. Chapter 2 introduces the terms used by my informants in talking about their beliefs and institutions. The arrangement of chapters 3 to 8 is in some measure due to the formulation of the Buddhists themselves: they consider Buddhism in terms of the Three Jewels, which are the Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order of monks, while their doctrinal emphasis is on the operation of karma and on ethical questions. Chapter 3 deals with the Buddha, chapter 4 with karma and the arrangement of the universe, chapter 5 with some problem in the doctrine of karma, chapter 6 with ethics, and chapters 7 and 8 with problems primarily concerning the Order. On the theoretical level the thesis is largely concerned with the interaction of belief and behaviour as an agent of religious change. My problem and concepts are presented in the first part of the Introduction. Although the general tenor of the thesis is to show that Sinhalese Buddhism has been remarkably conservative, if it is compared with the Pali Canon and its commentaries, there have been changes, and I suggest that some at least have arisen because of discrepancies between what people say and what they do: behaviour has affected doctrine, which in turn has affected behaviour. There are still in the religion as observable to-day discrepancies between what people eay and what they do; the thesis attempts to record both statement and performance, and suggests further that statements may vary with the context. Finally the thesis proposes that an acquaintance with Ceylonese Buddhism as a living system may provide insight into the workings of early Buddhism as described in the classical texts. In particular the last chapter suggests that scholars relying on texts and preconceptions have over-drawn the distinction between monks and laity as moral agents, and between Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism as ethical systems.

Thesis advisor: John J. Makransky / The purpose of this work is to differentiate the autonomous `self-compassion' of therapeutic modernist Buddhism from pre-therapeutic Mahâyâna Buddhist practices of refuge, so that refuge itself is not obscured as a fundamental Buddhist orientation that empowers the possibility of compassion for self and other in the first place. The work begins by situating issues of shame and self-aversion sociologically, in order to understand how and why self-aversion became a significant topic of concern during the final quarter of the twentieth century. This discussion allows for a further investigation of shame as it has been addressed first by psychologists, for whom shame is often understood as a form of isolating self-aversion, and then by philosophers such as Bernard Williams and Emmanuel Levinas, for whom shame attunes the person to the moral expectations of a community, and therefore to ethical commands that arise from beyond the individual self. Both psychologists and philosophers are ultimately concerned with problems and possibilities of relationship. These discussions prepare the reader to understand the importance of Buddhist refuge as a form of relationship that structures an integrative rather than destructive self-evaluation. The second chapter of the dissertation closely examines Friedrich Nietzsche's work on shame. In a late note, Nietzsche wrote that "man has lost the faith in his own value when no infinitely valuable whole works through him"; the second chapter argues that Nietzsche's vision of a relatively autonomous will to power cannot fully incorporate this important Nietzschean insight, and helps to drive the kind of self-evaluation typical of modernist `personality culture,' which is likely to become harsh. The third chapter first discusses contemporary therapeutic Buddhist responses to self-aversion, particularly practices of `self-compassion' that claim to be rooted in early Pali canonical and commentarial sources, before developing a commentary on the medieval Tibetan lojong teaching Drive all blames into one. Drive all blames into one, though often discussed in contemporary commentaries as a form of self-blame, should be understood more thoroughly as a simultaneous process of refuge and critique--a process that drives further access to compassion not only for self, but for others as well. Chapter Four discusses mourning and self-reproach in the apophthegmata of the Desert Fathers, showing how `self-hatred' in this context is in a form of irony: the self that is denigrated is not an ultimate reality, and the process of mourning depends upon both an access to love and a clear recognition of our many turns away from that love. In conclusion, I draw attention to the irony of modernist rejections of religious self-critique as supposedly harmful forms of mere shaming, even as the modernist emphasis on autonomy is what enables self-critique to become harsh and damaging. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

This study was motivated by the researcher’s experience of working in end-of-life care and by the literature review which revealed a gap in the knowledge and understanding of the role of religious methods as complementary approaches in managing the experience of living with a life-limiting illness in Taiwan. Trans-cultural issues are extremely important to end-of-life care. In Taiwan, patients approaching death have used religious methods as complementary approaches to manage the experience of living with a life-limiting illness, and religious belief systems shape patients’ understandings of what is happening. Current literature coupled with the experience of palliative care personnel identified that some patients with religious persuasions were refusing western medical treatments when they recognised that they were in the end stage of disease because they believed that these treatments could not control death and rebirth. However, few studies have discussed this experience and its meaning. Buddhist chaplains, as providers of supportive palliative care services through therapeutic care, have presented their understanding of the way that people move towards death and dying in Buddhist temples, universities, and in public speeches, but not often in hospitals. Buddhist chaplains’ life experience and interpretations influence the thinking processes and decision-making of many of those they come in contact with, especially those who share the Buddhist faith. However, few studies have demonstrated the way in which patients have made use of religious methods as complementary approaches from the perspective of hospice palliative Buddhist chaplains. The perspectives and work of hospice palliative Buddhist chaplains regarding “hospice palliative care” and patients’ use of religious methods as complementary approaches in end-of-life care in Taiwan were explored. The research questions were: (1) How do the Buddhist chaplains define “hospice palliative care”? (2) How do Buddhist chaplains use Buddhist religious methods as complementary approaches in clinical end-of-life care? (3) What are the experiences of Buddhist chaplains regarding the patients’ use of Buddhist religious methods as complementary approaches in clinical end-of-life care? (4) What are the opinions of Buddhist chaplains regarding patients’ use of Buddhist religious methods as complementary approaches in clinical end-of-life care? Charmaz’s (2006) constructivist grounded theory method was adopted. Data collection used triangulation and included demographic questionnaires, semi-structured face-to-face interviews, field notes, and written memos. Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants with rich working experiences in clinical end-of-life care. Twenty female and two male Buddhist chaplains aged between 33 and 67 years old participated. Charmaz’s (2006) constructivist grounded theory, which included comparative method, and three analytical phases (initial coding, focused coding and theoretical coding) informed the data analysis. The findings demonstrate that Buddhist concepts of death, the process of dying, and the ethics and tools of the Buddhist religion formed the basis of the practice of the chaplains who regarded compassionate care and Mahayana Buddhism as the main content of Buddha’s teachings. All participants used aspects of Buddhist philosophy to define “hospice palliative care”. The final theoretical framework emerged from the data to provide a structure to interpret “the dynamic process of compassionate care”. Compassionate care is a multifaceted, dynamic phenomenon practised by the chaplains. Mahayana Buddhism provides the specific tools through which they interacted with patients creating a sacred relationship that allowed patients to understand their context and cope with their end-of-life experiences. The thesis concluded that Buddhist chaplains’ understanding of compassionate care was influenced by their educational background, hospice training courses, and Buddha’s teachings to enable them to play important roles in end-of-life care in Taiwan. Recommendations are made for future studies to test the theoretical framework regarding “the dynamic process of compassionate care” with different professional staff such as nurses, psychologists and mental health physicians. The findings are also relevant for future government policy concerning the financial cost of end-of-life care which is currently provided by Buddhist chaplains from a Charity rather than by Taiwanese National Health Insurance. Finally it recommends that the findings inform the future education of medical and nursing students and staff in hospice end-of-life care in Taiwan.

The present research attempts to conceptualize and theorize the social engaging phenomenon of a contemporary Buddhist organization – Foguangshan – from a sociological and cultural perspective. This approach sees the growing presence of religion in contemporary society as a multi-facet social process that involves dialectic exchanges with various actors in the public realm, and acknowledges that a full understanding of the social presence and significance of a religious actor in a society cannot be realized only by the examination of their religious beliefs and practices but also the conceptualization of these religious expressions in search for the meanings and implications underneath. / The study acknowledges that despite the existence of abundance studies on Taiwanese Buddhism and Foguangshan, they are mostly historical and philosophical in nature; theoretical analysis of the social engaging mentality of these Buddhist communities and their interaction with the society is insufficient if not inattentive. The present research, therefore, would like to confront this issue by taking a dialectic approach that draws a connection between the socially engaging Buddhist community of Foguangshan with current social and cultural theories. / Specifically the paper will conduct a theoretical examination of Foguangshan and its interaction with the Taiwanese society by investigating their multiple aspects of publicness. This includes 1) how Foguangshan understands and imagines the public; 2) their strategy in engaging and penetrating into the public; and 3) how the people of the general public in return receives and responses to the social presence of the monastery. What this research tries to reveal is that while Foguangshan has been successful in expanding and penetrating into various public domains of the Taiwanese society, the outcome of their particular strategy in engaging with the public might result in an identity crisis beyond the intention of the monastery – an ambiguous public image between being religious and secular. / From our case study of Foguangshan in Taiwan the contemplation of these topics would be contextualized in a contemporary Chinese setting, and by doing so allows a cross cultural examination of the validity and universality of existing models of secularization and public religion. Hence the outcome of this study would not only provide an in-depth sociological and cultural understanding of the various public aspects of Foguangshan in relation to the contemporary history of Taiwan, the contextualization of this Buddhist phenomenon within a Chinese context could also further our understanding on how the particular social and cultural history of Taiwan, its Chinese cultural roots, and the religiosity of Chinese Buddhism have contributed to the unique way Chinese religions adapts and negotiates with modernity. / 本研究試圖從社會及文化角度，對當代佛教組織佛光山及其社會參與現象作概念化及理論化的分析。此方法視當代社會宗教增長現況，為一個牽涉公共領域中不同行動者的多層面社會過程，及相信一個對社會及宗教現狀的全面理解，並不能單靠對宗教信仰及其思想習俗的探討而獲得，而是更需要對這些宗教表象背後的意義和引伸作出概念化的整理。 / 本研究指出，儘管現存對台灣佛教及佛光山之研究非常豐富，然而，這些研究多屬於歷史及哲學性質，因而頗為缺乏對這些佛教團體的社會參與現象作社會學的理論分析。本論文直面這個問題，透過辯證方法把佛光山及其社會參與現象與當今社會及文化理論連接起來。 / 本論文將會透過研究佛光山的不同公共面貌，對佛光山及其在台灣社會的社會參與作理論性的探究，這包括︰(一)佛光山如何了解及想像公共這一概念，(二)他們參與及滲透公共領域的策略，及(三)大眾市民如何接收及回應佛光山的公共存在現象。本研究嘗試揭示正當佛光山成功地擴張及滲透台灣公共領域之際，他們探取的獨特策略卻做成了對這當代佛教團體的一個身份危機 – 一個游離於宗教與世俗之間的不明確公共形象。 / 本研究亦嘗試延伸到有關於宗教當代社會學中更廣闊的課題，特別是宗教與世俗之間的界線，以及現代化當下之社會變遷的探討。從對台灣佛光山的個案研究，這些課題將會落實於當代中國脈絡中，作全面性的思考，這樣便能給現有對世俗化和公共宗教的既有理解中，展開一個有效性和普遍性的跨文化檢驗。因此，本研究的結果不但提供一個對佛光山不同公共層面的社會及文化的深入理解，也進一步加深我們認識及了解台灣特殊的社會及文化歷史、中國文化根源、及中國佛教的宗教性、如何促成中國宗教對現代化過程作出獨特的適應及協調。 / Chan, Fang Michael. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 295-302). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on 28. September, 2016). / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

金山寺位於江蘇省鎮江市，這座今天依然著名的佛寺最初是當地祭拜水神蛇仙的場所。從公元820年代開始，金山佛寺出現，寺內拜佛的活動逐漸成為主流。這個民間拜蛇的場所，逐漸開始拜佛，這個轉變是中唐之後鎮江地區一系列社會變化的結果，闡述這些社會改變，便能大致揭示出鎮江納入王朝行政體系具體過程。 / 金山寺所在的金山，在唐代是一個方圓到一公里的岩石島嶼。這裡祭祀水神蛇仙的記錄，最早可以追述至南朝。在這裡接受祭祀的水神蛇仙中，以白蛇為首位。從隋朝開始，隨著胡商在長江下游經營活動逐漸增加，金山小島上所祭祀的水神，同時融匯了江南本土水神蛇仙信仰和在華胡商的女神信仰兩方面的祭拜傳統。這種不同文化、不同祭祀傳統的融合，是通過商稅逐漸成為中唐王朝的主要經濟來源而逐步形成的。 / 隨著唐玄宗初步確立的運河溝通南北的格局，運河於安史之亂後成為唐帝國的生命線，這一點令位於長江水道與運河水道相交匯的鎮江，以其經濟意義而成為王朝勢力的必爭之地。鎮江的地方官職（唐時稱潤州刺史）也從一個王朝官員畏懼的「凶闕」而一躍成為「望」職，常由宰相兼領。 / 鎮江經濟地位的提升以及朝廷重臣的駐守，令王朝的行政體系高調出現在鎮江，並且引發了朝廷與地方勢力之爭。恰在此時，唐王朝的鹽政令朝廷成功獲得商人以及地方權貴的支持，北方朝廷與鎮江地方社會的衝突，在商人和權貴的介入下，得到了緩和。鎮江社會的結構出現了改變，編戶數量大增。 / 隨著社會結構的轉變，王朝重臣同時成功地將王朝的文化成功地帶到了鎮江。從公元820年代開始，文化在鎮江出現的轉變，對於民間對於王朝的認同來說，是決定性的一步。鎮江的金山寺，不僅通過這種文化認同而被描述成佛寺，並且更成為當地代表北方文化的一個傳播中心。 / 從此之後，金山寺便開始被官員和文人稱為“佛寺。雖然如此，金山島上的水神並沒有消失。這位號稱是白蛇的神靈，以其融匯在華胡商女性水神信仰而由老叟變成美婦。水神祭祀和對佛教的禮拜，在晚唐五代的金山寺中並行不悖，其表現形式，則是以佛教傳統為主導、水神祭祀為輔。晚唐金山寺逐漸成為遠近聞名的佛寺，從這個時候開始，鎮江便完成了其由化外之邦至化內之地的轉變。 / Monastery Jinshan locates in Zhenjiang today. Though it is famous for its Buddhist rituals since 11th century, the monastery was originally a sacred palace for preying Water Gods of Snakes. Since the palace was first being addressed as “Buddhist monastery in mid 820s, the Buddhist tradition was recorded as the dominant one. The conversion from local serpent cult to state Buddhist Religion resulted from a mix of social transformations in Zhenjiang. Therefore, the converting process revealed the process of the place getting incorporated into the state during the transformation period of late Tang Dynasty (AD 618-903). / During Tang Dynasty, Monastery Jinshan sat on a small rocky island in the middle of lower range of Yangzi River. The earliest record of serpent cult in the island could be traced back to late fourth century. Snake White led the pantheons of water gods in Zhenjiang, and the serpent cult in Zhenjing witnessed a profound transformation because of the foreign merchants who traveled around the lower range of Yangzi River in Sui and Tang Dynasties (AD 581-907). The foreign merchants of the time profiled their Water Gods as twin females with impressively young faces. Though Chinese tradition imaged the Snake White as an old man in white suits, the convergence of the two distinct traditions ended up with a popularity of a beautiful Chinese lady of Madam Snake White whom was escorted by the other beautiful maid of Snake Blue. The mixing of the two different traditions revealed the increasingly influential economic status of merchants, especially the foreign traders, after Mid Tang Dynasty. / With the economic importance of merchants was escalating, the canal system also started to work regularly during the final 1.5 centuries in Tang. The canal system physically linked Capital Chang’an with Zhenjiang (addressed as “Runzhou City in Tang) which was the waterway conjunction of Yangzi River and the Great Canal. Since 9th century, the waterway conjunction shed off the negative image of a remote and perilous area and became one of the leading places in the empire. Zhenjiang was then governed directly by the prime ministers during late Tang Dynasty. / The arrival of the prime ministers in Zhenjiang was accompanied with the high-profiled introduction of state administration here, which aroused the confrontation and conflicts between the state and the local. The confrontation was pacified by the newly-established salt policy during the first half of the 9th century. The salt policy ensured the court to gain the support from the local strongmen and merchants. / The cooperation of local strongmen in Zhenjiang made it possible for the state to nurture the cultural environment that appreciated the leadership of Chang’an. The cultural transformation in Zhenjiang started with the establishment of Monastery Jinshan, and the monastery became the venue of demonstrating the cultural trend in the state. / Though Monastery Jinshan was shaped as a local authority of Buddhism, the serpent cult died hard in the island. Both Buddha and Snake White were prayed in the Jinshan, with Buddha as the higher god. The authority of Monastery Jinshan was finally constituted in 870s, indication the finalization of the incorporation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳越溪. / "2012年6月". / "2012 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-125). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Chen Yuexi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 來自金山的“江心鏡 --- p.12 / Chapter 1、 --- 來自鎮江的進奉 --- p.12 / Chapter 2、 --- 唐代的五月初五 --- p.19 / Chapter 第三章 --- 祭祀中心與藥市 --- p.24 / Chapter 1、 --- 金山是水神祭祀中心 --- p.24 / Chapter 2、 --- 鎮江的藥市 --- p.31 / Chapter 第四章 --- 金山上的水神 --- p.35 / Chapter 1、 --- 壯麗的水神廟 --- p.35 / Chapter 2、 --- 水神是蛇仙 --- p.36 / Chapter 3、 --- 水神：老叟還是美婦？ --- p.38 / Chapter 4、 --- 水神從男性變為女性 --- p.40 / Chapter 第六章 --- 運河 --- p.48 / Chapter 1、 --- 政之不行 --- p.48 / Chapter 2、 --- 地方勢力 --- p.49 / Chapter 3、 --- 潤州新進士 --- p.51 / Chapter 4、 --- 潤州新刺史齊濣 --- p.52 / Chapter 5、 --- 運河之利 --- p.57 / Chapter 6、 --- 施政不易 --- p.58 / Chapter 7、 --- 再看唐明皇守城門樓 --- p.61 / Chapter 第七章 --- 拜佛 --- p.64 / Chapter 1、 --- 僧蛇之鬭 --- p.65 / Chapter 2、 --- 顯貴移民：練湖的勝利 --- p.69 / Chapter 第八章 --- 金山名日新 --- p.76 / Chapter 1、 --- 唐朝的鹽商 --- p.76 / Chapter 2、 --- 金山名日新 --- p.82 / Chapter 3、 --- 馬祖玄素和護航寶塔 --- p.84 / Chapter 4、 --- 宰相命輪 --- p.93 / Chapter 第九章 --- 寺成 --- p.94 / Chapter 1、 --- 處心積慮的李德裕 --- p.94 / Chapter 2、 --- 削弱水神蛇仙的影響力 --- p.100 / Chapter 3、 --- 德裕努力的成功 --- p.102 / Chapter 4、 --- 漕路通了 --- p.105 / Chapter 5、 --- 金山寺成 --- p.107 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.115

The dissertation addresses a lacuna in current scholarship concerning the role and meaning of figurative language in Indian Buddhist Mahayana philosophical discourse. Attempting to fill part of it, the dissertation explicates and reconstructs an early Yogacara Buddhist philosophical discourse on metaphor (upacAara, nye bar `dogs pa) and grounds it in a broader intellectual context, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist. This analysis uncovers an Indian philosophical intertextual conversation about metaphor that reaches across sectarian lines, and since it takes place before the height of systematized alamkara-sastra in India, stands to illuminate what may be described as one of the philosophical roots of Sanskrit poetics. The dissertation proceeds by providing translations and analysis of key sections on upacara from a variety of Indian philosophical sources. The first part (chapters I-II) examines the concept's semantic and conceptual scope in the theories of meaning and fundamental works of the Nyaya and Mimamsa schools, and in the school of grammatical analysis (focusing on Bhartrhari's Vakyapadiya). The second part (chapters III-V) examines the understanding of the term in some Yogacara sastras and sutras against the background of their broader Buddhist context. It looks at such texts as the Tattvarthapatalam chapter of the Bodhisattvabhumi and the Viniscayasamgrahani, both ascribed to Asanga; Vasubandhu's Trimsika and its commentary by Sthiramati; the Abhidharmakosabhasya and its commentary by Sthiramati; Dignaga's Pramanasamuccaya; and the Lankavatarasutra. This analysis reveals a Yogacara account of upacara that, because of its underlying referential mechanism, understands the term above all as diagnostic of a breach between language and reality and therefore as marking the demise of a correspondence theory of truth. Moreover, it is shown that some Yogacara thinkers developed this theme into a sophisticated theory of meaning that enabled the school both to insist on this lack of grounding for language and, at the same time, to uphold a hierarchy of truth claims, as required by the school's philosophical soteriological discourse. It is argued that a common feature of all these accounts is their understanding of metaphors not just as content carriers (that is, as informative) but also as performative - actively manifesting and invoking the groundlessness of language through the fact of their proliferation.

After China adopted the reform and open door policy in early 1980s, thanks to their knowledge on Buddhism, their familiarity of religious rituals, and their experience in temple management, vegetarian women have doubled their efforts not only to transmit their traditions their next generation but also to establish the authentic Buddhist image of temples in Southern Fujian. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) / The research is carried out according to the discussions on (1) the gender and power relations within the religious institutions that were re-presented and re-produced by renaming vegetarian women as Brahma-carya upasika, and (2) the influences of being identified as Brahma-carya upasika on the life and religious practice of these vegetarian women. From a bifocal perspective, the study demonstrates that women are victim as well as agent within a religious organization in a patriarchal society. It has been discovered that vegetarian women in Southern Fujian have been suppressed yet they have also made use of the opportunities of changing their identity since the late Qing Dynasty. Study results also show that [vegetarian] women in Southern Fujian have adopted obedient attitudes instead of revolutionary means to establish their space and women culture. This could be considered as their expedient means and power yet indicates their powerlessness under the patriarchal society and religion. In other words, they have employed the least powerful approach to conducting their religious life and maximizing their power for self-development. / This thesis, based on historical, textual and field studies, explores a special religious group of vegetarian women (Caigu in Chinese) in Southern Fujian. The research is focused on examining their identify transformation as a religious group to a Buddhist organization along the process of societal change from the end of the Qing up to present time. The key issues discussed in this thesis are as following: (1) the process of institutionalization of the vegetarian women into mainstream Buddhist, (2) the elements that have exercised influences on the religious identity of vegetarian women, (3) temple managements, daily activities and religious rituals, and (4) the relationship between vegetarian women and the mainstream Buddhism in contemporary China. / 劉一蓉. / 呈交日期: 2005年8月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(p. i-xvi (4th group)). / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2005 nian 8 yue. / Adviser: Wai Lun Tam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2616. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (p. i-xvi (4th group)). / Liu Yirong.

陳韋燕. / "2007年12月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(leaves 266-272). / "2007 nian 12 yue". / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Weiyan. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 266-272). / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章： --- 佛樂在中國的變遷 --- p.10 / Chapter 第一節： --- 佛教音樂 --- p.11 / Chapter 第二節： --- 佛教音樂在中國 --- p.12 / Chapter 第三節： --- 香港佛教 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章： --- 瑜伽燄口佛事 --- p.20 / Chapter 第一節： --- 「燄口佛事」 --- p.20 / Chapter 第二節： --- 「廣東燄口」 --- p.24 / Chapter 第四章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案記錄 --- p.48 / Chapter 第一節： --- 寶蓮禪寺 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二節： --- 儀式的空間 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三節： --- 儀式參與者 --- p.57 / Chapter 第四節： --- 儀軌、音聲與動作 --- p.61 / Chapter 第五節： --- 儀式的全程 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六節： --- 儀式的紀錄 --- p.74 / Chapter 第五章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案音樂分析 --- p.191 / Chapter 第一節： --- 器樂方面 --- p.191 / Chapter 第二節： --- 聲樂方面 --- p.196 / Chapter 第三節： --- 唱曲運用特點 --- p.230 / Chapter 第四節： --- 法器及樂器的運用 --- p.237 / Chapter 第六章： --- 儀式音樂的神性與世俗 --- p.239 / Chapter 第一節： --- 儀式音樂的硏究 --- p.239 / Chapter 第二節： --- 燄口佛事中音樂的運用 --- p.241 / Chapter 第三節： --- 廣東燄口佛事音樂的地域性和跨地域性特點 --- p.244 / Chapter 第四節： --- 儀式音聲的神性與世俗：音樂的多層次核心與非核心關係 --- p.256 / Chapter 第七章： --- 總結 --- p.263 / 參考書目 --- p.266

This thesis is divided into two parts. Part One, entitle “Working Through Condensation” describes a type of practice, Part Two, entitled “The Tourist and the Tourist Tout”, unravels and explores what was discovered through that practice. The intersection of two personal discoveries have been formative in my art practice. The first relates to the Indian Hindu and Buddhist concept of formlessness found in certain Tantric cosmogonies. This began, for me, an interest in the phenomenon of emptiness as an ontological awareness of how “art” or “creativity” happens. The second event was the hearing of a phrase, which I call a found phrase. The phrase, “working through condensation”, suggested a metaphoric tool for conceptualising my practice, through an analogous use of the process of condensation. I was struck by a similarity between my conception of the above found phrase and Tantric cosmogeny. In Part One of this thesis, I develop a link between elements in Tanta cosmogony, the found phrase and the Situationist Internationalist practice of derive as a basis for practice. This thesis has been largely constituted by three research journeys to India, where the conception and results of this practice unfolded. / Doctor of Creative Arts (DCA)