Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 604-621).

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Anne L. Clunan, Thomas H. Johnson. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-136). Also available via the World Wide Web.

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Conservative international thought in Victorian Britain is a prominent landmark in the landscape of international thought which has up to now gone unmapped. In illuminating this body of thought, the thesis addresses weaknesses present in three different historiographies. As the first detailed study of conservative international thought in Victorian Britain, the thesis rectifies a marked bias in Victorian intellectual history towards the study of liberal and radical thought. Furthermore, by analysing the political thought of major representatives of the conservative educated classes, this thesis provides context for the history of conservative high politics, thereby leading us to view these in a different light. Finally, this study, by providing a historically nuanced account of the evolution of major themes of international relations theory in mid-Victorian Britain, functions as a corrective to the self-history of the academic field of International Relations. The thesis makes its argument by analysing conservative contributions in periodicals, pamphlets, and newspapers to British public debates on international affairs, from the Crimean War (1854-56) until the Eastern Question crisis of 1876-80. The general claim of this thesis is that there existed a distinctly conservative perspective on the international sphere. The core elements of this conservative perspective were the primacy of statesmen in setting foreign policy; of interests, military force, and stature in determining the course of international politics; and of order and equilibrium as its normative content. Conservative authors used this constellation of ideas in the major debates of the mid-Victorian era on international affairs, both as a means to make sense of events, and as a counterpoint to liberal narratives - with which Victorian international thought is all too often identified. In recovering the international political thought of Victorian conservatives, this thesis illuminates an important but neglected aspect of how international relations were understood and conceptualised in mid-Victorian Britain.

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Cette étude esquisse les narratives concurrentes au sein de l’espace médiatique français par rapport à la perception des guerres balkaniques de 1912-1913 (guerre de civilisations contre guerre d’intérêts économiques, de libération/unification nationale, nouvelle croisade, guerre juste, contre guerre illégitime, guerre de conquête, nouvelle expédition colonialiste, discours pacifistes contre rhétoriques militaristes, approches nationalistes contre solutions fédéralistes). Elle participe également à un essai de schématisation de différents facteurs, paramètres et de leurs interactions (affinités personnelles, sensibilités idéologiques, intérêts économiques, considérations géopolitiques, couverture médiatique, représentations de Soi et de l’Autre, de l’Ici et de l’Ailleurs, du Passé, du Présent et du Futur) façonnant la perception d’un conflit par une société observatrice phénoménalement extérieure à son déroulement. Elle nous informe aussi sur les pratiques journalistiques et les goûts du public médiatique avec l’importance croissante des correspondants de guerre dans la médiatisation de la guerre et l’exigence d’une couverture sensationnelle, directe et omnisciente des événements. Elle explore également la place des Balkaniques, des Balkans et de l’histoire de cet espace dans l’imaginaire français de la Belle Époque et l’invitation des guerres balkaniques dans la vie politique, économique et socioculturelle française, à la veille de la Grande Guerre. Enfin, elle s’interroge sur le rôle des propagandes des belligérants dans la transformation de la presse en un champ de batailles médiatiques et représentationnelles, entre les acteurs directement impliqués dans le conflit et les observateurs extérieurs, s’exprimant dans l’espace médiatique français, avec comme enjeu majeur, la définition d’une entité politique et axiologique européenne. / This study outlines the competitive narratives of the 1912-1913 Balkan wars inside the French media landscape (national liberation/unification wars, new crusade, just war, versus illegitimate conquest war, new colonialist expedition, pacifist settlement versus militarist rhetoric, nationalist approaches versus federalist proposals). It is also a schematization essay of the different factors-parameters and their interactions, (personal affinities, ideological orientations, economical interests, geopolitical considerations, media coverage, representation of the Self and the Other, the Here and Elsewhere, the Past, the Present and the Future) intervening in one’s conflict perception on behalf of a phenomenally external society to its unfolding. It also informs us about journalistic practices and the media’s public tastes stretching the rising importance of war reporters and the demand for a sensational, direct and omniscient news coverage. It also explores the place of Balkan people, Balkans’ history and geography, in the imagination of French Belle Époque, as well as the way Balkan wars had been invited within French political, economical and socio-cultural life at the eve of the Great War. Finally, it questions the role of belligerents’ propagandas in the newspapers’ transformation at a media and representational battlefield between the actors directly concerned by the conflict and the external observers expressing themselves in French media, having as major stake the definition of a political and axiological European entity.

Leopold von Ranke (1795-1886), considerado um dos mais importantes historiadores do século XIX e de toda a história da historiografia, produziu prolificamente durante toda sua carreira profissional, tendo como um de seus principais objetos de estudos a formação das nações ocidentais modernas e sendo conhecido por sua abordagem metodológica da História. Mas seu trabalho também pode ser uma fonte considerável de novos temas e interpretação, especialmente quando seus trabalhos menos conhecidos são tomados em consideração. A presente pesquisa analisa um tema ainda pouco explorado no trabalho de Ranke, ou seja, a posição desse historiador em relação aos grupos orientais através da interpretação das três edições (1829, 1844 e 1879) do seu livro A Revolução Sérvia (Die serbische Geschichte). Algumas características desses textos merecem destaque: 1) o período de cinquenta anos no qual Ranke trabalhou o texto torna possível o estudo do desenvolvimento de suas ideias; 2) trata-se do estudo de um tema contemporâneo, o que significa que Ranke a escreveu enquanto as ações que estudava ainda faziam parte do presente; 3) a obra tem caráter colaborativo, já que foi concebida pela união de Ranke e do Círculo Eslavo de Viena; 4) a forma com que Ranke descreveu os povos orientais (turco e sérvio) aponta para a relação entre essas noções e uma série de representações do Oriente, as quais estavam conectadas com ideias românticas bastante difundidas / Leopold von Ranke (1795-1886), considered one of the most important historians of the 19th century and of the whole history of historiography, produced prolifically during his entire professional carrier, having as one of his main objects the of study the formation of the Western Modern Nations and being famous for his historical methodological approach. But his work can also be a considerable source of new themes and new interpretations, especially when his less known books such as The Ottoman and the Spanish empires in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries or The Serbian Revolution are taken under consideration. This research analyses a theme somewhat yet to be explored in Rankes work, that is to say, the position of this historian in respect of oriental groups through the interpretation of the three editions (1829, 1844 and 1879) of his book The Serbian Revolution (Die serbische Geschichte). Some characteristics of this works deserve highlight: 1) the period of fifty years in which Ranke retook the text makes it possible to study the development of his ideas; 2) it is about the study of a contemporary theme, which means that Ranke wrote while the actions he studied still were part of the present; 3) the work has a collaborative nature, which was conceived by the union of Ranke and the Viennese Slavonian Circle; 4) the way Ranke described the eastern people (Turkish and Serbian) indicates the relation between these notions and a series of representations of the East, which were connected to widespread Romanticist ideas