The subject of this thesis is to analyse the influence of "The Israel lobby" on the foreign policy of the United States of America. The work examines issues of lobbying, methods of its definition and delimitation. Furthermore, it analyzes the emergence and development of this lobby and introduces its main leaders and influential pro-Israel organizations. Finally, it analyses the effect of the lobby during the administration of some U.S. presidents such as John Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter or Barack Obama. In conclusion, it examines the influence of this lobby in Congress, Pentagon and on campuses. The aim of this work is to prove that "The Israel lobby" has such a big impact that it is able to influence the decisions of the President of the United States, including political institutions.

Mémoire de recherche--Science politique--Strasbourg--Institut d'études politiques. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. et webliogr. p. 141-144.

Diss. Örebro : Örebro universitet, 2010. / S. 267-305: Bibliography.

An exploration of the challenges that participatory culture presents to traditional theatre experiences and practical ideas for creating participatory lobby displays, including case studies.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2017. / Submitted by Raquel Almeida (raquel.df13@gmail.com) on 2018-04-16T16:30:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedeSouzaNetto.pdf: 1520823 bytes, checksum: 529a8805b697d909b65af4a7b1e2aa76 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-05-08T20:01:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedeSouzaNetto.pdf: 1520823 bytes, checksum: 529a8805b697d909b65af4a7b1e2aa76 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-08T20:01:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PedroHenriquedeSouzaNetto.pdf: 1520823 bytes, checksum: 529a8805b697d909b65af4a7b1e2aa76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-08 / Esta dissertação analisa os protagonistas no protecionismo ao setor agropecuário na Rússia e no Brasil num período de estabilidade nesses países (2012-2015). Ela objetiva estabelecer em que medida a ação de atores governamentais, internacionais e grupos de pressão domésticos explica a adoção de medidas protecionistas pelos dois países. Para tanto, é utilizada metodologia descritiva, com usos pontuais de metodologia de Picos Tarifários, na definição dos setores mais protegidos, e de tipologia explicativa, na conclusão. A dissertação é concluída comprovando parcialmente a hipótese de que a atividade lobista é forte e positivamente relacionada à aplicação de medidas protecionistas, enquanto a influência da atuação de atores estatais e internacionais é acessória. Ao contrário do que ocorre em períodos de forte reforma do Estado, o lobby foi de fato predominante na economia política do protecionismo num período de estabilidade. Contudo, foi possível notar que o “ator principal” no protecionismo não é estável, mas depende da manifestação de clivagem político-ideológica intra-governo, potencial exportador do setor, perfil agroexportador do país e da possibilidade de alteração do status quo comercial. / This Master’s thesis analyses the protagonists of protectionist policies to the agricultural sector in Russia in Brazil during a period of domestic stability (2012-2015). It aims to define how the actions of State agents, international actors and domestic lobbying groups explains the adoption of protectionist measures by both countries. The research mainly uses a descriptive methodology, with timely use of Tariff Peak methodology, in order to point the most protected sectors, and of explanatory typology, in the conclusion. The thesis partially proves the hypothesis that the lobbying activity is strongly and positively related to the use of protectionist measures, while State and international actors exert secondary influence over them. Nevertheless, it was noticeable that the title of “main protagonist of protectionism” is not stable, depending on the manifestation of political-ideological cleavage within the government, the export potential of the industry, the agro export profile of the country and the potential of change in the trade status quo by the proposed trade barrier.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Universidade Federal da Paraíba, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Programa Multi-Institucional e Inter-Regional de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Contábeis, 2016. / Submitted by Fernanda Percia França (fernandafranca@bce.unb.br) on 2016-07-22T14:45:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_MarciaFerreiraNevesTavares.pdf: 2909087 bytes, checksum: c908a7bd6ebde3f62a909e208b169905 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-08-22T17:46:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_MarciaFerreiraNevesTavares.pdf: 2909087 bytes, checksum: c908a7bd6ebde3f62a909e208b169905 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-22T17:46:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_MarciaFerreiraNevesTavares.pdf: 2909087 bytes, checksum: c908a7bd6ebde3f62a909e208b169905 (MD5) / É predito por Sutton (1984) que o momento mais propício para influenciar os normatizadores contábeis é o inicial, compreendido entre a fase do Discussion Paper (DP) e Exposure Draft (ED). Neste momento, os normatizadores estariam desenvolvendo suas ideias e, portanto, ficariam mais propícios a serem influenciados. O presente estudo identifica qual é a etapa do due process mais provável de exercer influência sobre o IASB e o FASB (Boards) na norma de reconhecimento de receitas. Esta norma é escolhida por ter abrangido todas as etapas do due process estabelecidas pelos Boards e por envolver todos os agentes e setores econômicos. Logo, como contribuição, tem-se a verificação do momento do due process em que os normatizadores contábeis estão mais propícios a considerar os argumentos das partes interessadas, identificando os fatores que influenciam no sucesso de lobbying em cada etapa do processo. A população do estudo é de mil trezentos e trinta e sete cartas comentários, trabalhando-se com uma amostra estratificada de trezentos e trinta e sete cartas. A metodologia envolve a análise qualitativa e quantitativa dos argumentos e fatores que influenciam o sucesso de lobbying. Qualitativamente, captura-se em cada etapa do processo, a posição inicial e final dos Boards após os principais argumentos dos constituintes, identificando-se os que tiveram ou não sucesso. Quantitativamente, utiliza-se a técnica de regressão logística para apurar os fatores que influenciam o sucesso de lobbying, sendo a regressão gerada em cada etapa do processo e ao final com os dados agregados, inserindo-se a variável tempo como variável independente. Os resultados sugerem que a variável tempo influencia no sucesso de lobbying, sendo que o momento mais propício de influência sobre os normatizadores contábeis se localiza entre o intermediário e o final, não sendo o momento inicial. No momento inicial, a maior parte dos constituintes permanece ao mesmo lado dos Boards, não existindo forças contrárias que os impulsionem a deslocar posições. Todavia, nos momentos intermediário e final, a maior parte dos constituintes se encontra em posição contrária aos Boards, possuindo forças para deslocá-los de suas posições iniciais. Portanto, esta tese apresenta evidências de que as etapas intermediária e final são as mais prováveis de exercerem influência sobre os Boards, constatando-se que no momento inicial os mesmos se mantêm convictos de suas posições e só com o passar do due process é que são influenciados por grupos de interesses específicos. ________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / It is foretold by Sutton (1984) that the most appropriate moment to influence the standard-setters is the initial one, comprised between two phases, the Discussion Paper (DP) and the Exposure Draft (ED). At this point, the standard-setters would be developing their ideas and would be, therefore, more vulnerable to being influenced. The current study identifies which stage of the due process is more likely to influence the boards IASB and FASB on the revenue recognition criteria. This standard has been chosen as it covers all stages of the due process established by the Boards and involves all stakeholders and economic sectors. Then, as a contribution, the present study verifies the moment of the due process in which accounting standard-setters are more likely to consider the arguments of the parties, identifying the factors that influence the success of lobbying at every stage of the process. The study population consist of one thousand three hundred and thirty-seven comment-letters, working with a stratified sample of three hundred and thirty-seven letters. The methodology includes qualitative and quantitative analysis of the arguments and factors that influence the lobbying success. Qualitatively, it is shown on each step of the process the start and end position of the Boards after the main arguments of the constituents, identifying those who have had success or not. Quantitatively, it is used the logistic regression procedure to determine the factors that influence the success of lobbying, with the regression generated at each step of the process and at the end with the aggregate data, the variable time is entered as an independent variable. The results suggest that the time variable influences on the success of lobbying, being the most favorable moment to influence the accounting standard-setting located between the intermediate and the end part, not in the starting point. In the first moment, the majority of constituents remains at the same side of the Boards, with no opposing forces that may lead them to different positions. However, at the intermediate and final stages, most of the constituent is in contrary to the Boards position, having forces to move them from their initial one. Therefore, this thesis presents evidence that the intermediate and final stages are the most likely to exert influence on the Boards, verifying that at the initial moment they remain convinced of their positions and only over the course of the due process is that they are influenced by specific interest groups.

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Wagner Pralon Mancuso / Banca: Roberto Rodrigues / Banca: Margaret Daly Hayes / Banca: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: No final de 2011, o Congresso dos Estados Unidos encerrou suas atividades sem renovar os principais subsídios federais à produção de etanol, criados nos anos 1970 e ampliados nas décadas seguintes. A pesquisa demonstra que esse resultado decorreu principalmente de mudanças nas coalizões de defesa dos subsídios, embora fatores externos às coalizões também tenham contribuído. Entre os fatores internos, destacam-se alterações nas estratégias e recursos das coalizões de defesa, bem como nos interesses, percepções e valores dos membros que são autoridades legais e podem influenciar na mudança de determinado programa. Entre os fatores externos destacam-se a conquista da liderança mundial na exportação do etanol pelos Estados Unidos em 2011, mudanças de coligações de governo advindas das eleições de 2010, mudanças na opinião pública no debate sobre biocombustíveis e alimentos, surgimento de novas alternativas energéticas e decisões de outros subsistemas, como os cortes orçamentários para diminuir o déficit público. A pesquisa se apoia no quadro analítico da advocacy coalitions framework, que oferece referências adequadas para a análise de mudanças em coalizões de defesa inseridas no subsistema político. Com base nesse quadro analítico, a metodologia da pesquisa destaca: mapeamento das estratégias das coalizões, entrevistas, análise documental e do conteúdo das leis, comparação de dados relativos às eleições e votações legislativas, comportamento das coalizões, doações a campanhas e ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The U.S. Congress created key federal incentives for ethanol production in the 1970s and expanded them throughout the following decades. In late 2011 they ended the legislative mandate without renewing these incentives. The research demonstrates that this result was mainly due to changes in coalitions defenses incentives, although external factors have also contributed to the coalitions. Among the internal factors, we highlight changes in the strategies and resources of advocacy coalitions, as well as the interests, perceptions and values of the members who are influential legal authorities who can change a program. Among the external factors we highlight the global leader in ethanol exports, reached in 2011, coalitions of government changes arising from the 2010 elections, changes in public opinion on the debate on biofuels and food, emergence of new energy alternatives and decisions generated in other subsystems, such as budget cuts to reduce the public deficit. The research is based on the theoretical framework of advocacy coalitions framework that provides appropriate references for the analysis of changes in advocacy coalitions entered into the political subsystem. Based on this theoretical framework, the methodology of the research highlight: mapping strategies and initiatives of coalitions; document analysis and legislative content; interviews, analysis of election contributions to campaigns and lobbying during the legislative polls. Although supported by quantitative ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Submitted by Fernanda Rodrigues de Lima (fernanda.rlima@ufpe.br) on 2018-08-31T21:26:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Elayne Patrícia Ribeiro de Santana Azevedo.pdf: 1678665 bytes, checksum: 1e82e3c4663d575db1238853c3108adc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alice Araujo (alice.caraujo@ufpe.br) on 2018-09-12T19:20:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Elayne Patrícia Ribeiro de Santana Azevedo.pdf: 1678665 bytes, checksum: 1e82e3c4663d575db1238853c3108adc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-12T19:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO Elayne Patrícia Ribeiro de Santana Azevedo.pdf: 1678665 bytes, checksum: 1e82e3c4663d575db1238853c3108adc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-29 / Durante os 12 anos de conflito na elaboração da IFRS 15 – Revenue from Contracts with Customers (de 2002 a 2014), houve formações de coalizões entre os respondentes interessados e afetados com as mudanças propostas nas consultas públicas, como forma de influenciar os normatizadores para o seu posicionamento ideal. Essas posições dos interessados estão oficialmente registradas nas comments letters enviadas ao IASB e FASB, sendo este um dos projetos recordes de contribuição, totalizando 1.332 cartas recebidas. Assim, o principal objetivo desta pesquisa é responder a seguinte questão: qual é a probabilidade de sucesso de lobbying, junto ao IASB/FASB na elaboração da IFRS 15, entre os respondentes que formam uma coalizão? Este estudo se justifica quanto a evidenciação do impacto de lobbying na emissão final da IFRS 15, dentre os indivíduos que se uniram em coalizões para responder as questões mais conflituosas nas consultas públicas da norma sobre receitas, dado que, a partir da sua vigência haverá mudanças diretas na forma do reconhecimento contábil nas organizações e isso afetará diversas atividades, tais como: pagamentos de impostos, distribuição de dividendos, contratos de covenants, bônus e planos de incentivos de executivos e demais empregados, sistemas de informações e controles internos, modelos contratuais e práticas comerciais. Para isto, analisou-se a influência dos respondentes que formaram uma coalizão e as respectivas mudanças efetuadas pelos Boards na versão final da IFRS 15, em decorrência dos comentários recebidos. Para tanto, o método utilizado consistiu na abordagem qualitativa, por meio da análise de conteúdo em 748 cartas da amostra, segregadas em 7 grupos de interesse (reguladores, preparadores, construtoras, empresas de telecomunicações, contadores, acadêmicos e outros usuários), referentes às 4 questões mais conflituosas expostas no feedback do IASB, em 2014, a saber: Questão 2 (sobre as obrigações de desempenho distintas), Questão 3 (transferência de controle) da fase ED; a Questão 2 (risco de crédito com clientes - incobráveis) e a Questão 4 (obrigações de desempenho onerosas) da fase RED), assumindo um total de 1.156 observações (referente as respostas em concordância ou discordância dos interessados nessas questões analisadas). Na abordagem quantitativa, utilizou-se o modelo de regressão logística, como forma de identificar a razão de chances (probabilidade de influência) entre as variáveis independentes do modelo e o sucesso de lobbying (variável dependente). Os resultados demonstraram uma grande participação entre os membros pertencentes ao grupo dos preparadores e também sugerem que a influência no sucesso de lobbying na IFRS 15 foi predominante entre os seguintes grupos, com posicionamento discordante entre as questões analisadas: os reguladores, os preparadores - as empresas de telecomunicações e as construtoras -, os contadores, os outros usuários e os acadêmicos, nesta ordem. Em relação ao objetivo principal deste estudo, evidenciou-se que os respondentes participantes de coalizões discordantes, possuíram a probabilidade de impactar 3,87 vezes mais os normatizadores na versão final da IFRS 15 e lograr o sucesso de lobbying. Adicionalmente, também se confirma que os membros pertencentes a fase ED da IFRS 15, possuem 3,91 vezes mais de chance em obter sucesso perante o IASB/FASB, em comparação aos membros que responderam as questões analisadas na fase RED. Como conclusão, a pesquisa demonstrou que membros que se uniram para enviar cartas idênticas - ou muito similares – as dos normatizadores, formando coalizões explícitas, possuem maior probabilidade em influenciá-lo e, com isso, podem ter maiores chance em lograr sucesso de lobbying com sua argumentação. / During 12 years of conflict in the preparation of IFRS 15 - Revenue from Contracts with Customers (from 2002 to 2014), coalitions were formed between interested and affected respondents with the changes proposed in the public consultations, as a way to influence the regulators for the positioning. These interested positions are officially recorded in the comments letters sent to the IASB and FASB, which is one of the record contribution projects, totaling 1,332 letters received. Thus, the main objective of this research is to answer the following question: what is the probability of success of lobbying, among the respondents that form a coalition, with the IASB/FASB in the preparation of IFRS 15? This study is justified in terms of the evidence of the impact of lobbying on the final issue of IFRS 15 among individuals who have joined forces in coalitions to respond to the most conflicting questions in the public consultations of the revenue rule, since, as of its validity, there will be changes in the form of accounting recognition in organizations, and this will affect various activities, such as: tax payments, dividend distribution, covenants contracts, bonuses and incentive plans for executives and other employees, information systems and internal controls, contractual models and business practices. For this purpose, we analyze the influence of the respondents who formed a coalition and how remote changes made by Boards in the final version of IFRS 15, due to the comments received. To do so, the method used consisted of a qualitative approach, through content analysis in 748 sample letters, segregated into 7 interest groups (regulators, preparers, construction companies, telecommunication companies, accountants, academics and other users) in 4 most conflicting issues exposed in the IASB feedback in 2014, namely: Issue 2 (on distinct performance obligations), Issue 3 (transfer of control) of the ED phase, Question 2 (customer credit risk - uncollectible) and Question 4 (onerous performance obligations) of the RED phase), assuming a total of 1,156 observations (referring to the answers in agreement or disagreement of those interested in these analyzed issues). In the quantitative approach, a logistic regression model was used as a way to identify a odds ratio (probability of influence) between variables independent of the model and success of lobbying (dependent variable). The results showed a large participation among the members of the group of preparers and also suggest that the influence on the success of lobbying in IFRS 15 was predominant among the following groups, with discordant positioning among the analyzed issues: regulators, preparers - as companies telecommunications and construction companies -, accountants, other users and academics, in that order. Entrepreneurs, participant participants, participant participants, discotheque interviewers, are likely to impact 3.87 times the normative in the final version of IFRS 15 and gain success in lobbying. In addition, there is also confirmation that it belongs to an ED phase of IFRS 15, has a 3.91 times greater chance of success with the IASB / FASB, in accordance with requirements regarding critical issues. As a conclusion, research has shown that they have come together to send identical letters - or very similar - to normative ones, forming explicit coalitions, possibly more likely to influence them, and thus may be more likely to succeed in lobbying with their argument.

History gives Harry S. Truman rightful merit for his help in establishing Jewish homeland in 1948. Although more than 63 years have passed since the declaration of Israeli independence, the true motives that lead President Truman to recognize Israel are still being discussed and disputed. Shortly after his inauguration in April 1945, the thirty-third president found himself in a difficult position when a majority of the Jews who had survived Nazi concentration camps could not or did not want to return to their countries of origin. Instead, they declared their wish to emigrate to Palestine, where Zionists had already been trying to establish a Jewish commonwealth. However, at that time there was a widespread uncertainty whether Franklin Delano Roosevelt's successor would have the same opinion about the post-World War II settlement in Palestine or not. It is the objective of this thesis to analyze the complex set of reasons that made President Truman support political Zionism. As we know, this process ultimately culminated with a prompt recognition of a newly established Jewish state. To answer the question what was the main reason behind this decision, domestic and external factors the president had to consider will be examined. The emphasis will be placed on American military and economic interests...

In the 1950s, the Republic of China (ROC) on the island of Taiwan was a Cold War ally of the United States. Led by President Chiang Kai-shek and his ruling Kuomintang Party, the ROC received military, financial, and humanitarian assistance from the U.S., and enjoyed support in the White House, from the Departments of State and Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the Democratic and Republican Parties. President Chiang even employed public relations firms and political pressure groups to help generate public support and to sway American policymakers to favor his cause. By the end of the 1970s, however, the ROC had lost its seat in the United Nations and no longer maintained formal diplomatic relations with the United States. Why would the United States abandon a long-standing World War II ally, recipient of American aid, and fellow anti-communist? The 1960s proved to be a pivotal decade in the diplomatic and military relationship between the United States and the ROC. Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, both Democrats, publicly promised support for Chiang and the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. Chiang hoped to secure continued military aid and diplomatic support by relying upon allies in the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency, and in the U.S. Congress, and even occasionally making threats to take actions detrimental to American policy. Throughout the 1960s, the U.S.-ROC relationship was tested by events in the United Nations, the Taiwan Strait, and Southeast Asia. By the end of the decade, the ROC had lost millions in American aid and the United States had publicly started to consider normalizing relations with the People?s Republic of China. This dissertation will show that U.S.-ROC relations in the 1960s deteriorated due to a combination of factors. The Vietnam War was one of several factors that helped bring an end to formal American relations with the Republic of China. The Vietnam War caused a conflict of interest, whereby American containment of communism in Southeast Asia clashed with ROC plans to maintain its international legitimacy and to restore its rule over all China. Additionally, bureaucratic changes within the State Department, the demise and ineffectiveness of the China Lobby, and the changing make-up of the United Nations resulting from decolonization also contributed to the decline of U.S.-ROC relations.