<p>In 1973, the United Kingdom entered the European Community, joining the two other West European powers of France and West Germany in the organization. With the addition of Britain, a new nucleus developed within the EC. The traditional Franco-German alliance which was driving the Community, gave way to a triangular association which included the United Kingdom. However, the three countries have often found it difficult to coordinate their policies to advance European unity. Indeed, EC integration was characterized by "Eurosclerosis" for much of the 1970s and early 1980s since the three major member states were unwilling to abandon independent national policies in favour of Community programs. Nonetheless, in recent years the organization has made several noteworthy advancements towards integration as changing domestic and international environments required the three countries to reevaluate their strategies, including their views regarding Community policies. Thus, under this setting the core member states were willing to use Community solutions to problems plaguing their countries and proceeded to advance EC integration through the signing of the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty. This thesis advances the hypothesis that it is the triangular relationship which shapes the integration process. For European unity to occur, the agreement of France. Germany and Britain is required. Chapter One discusses the theoretical aspects of the triangular model. The strength of the bilateral ties are explored as are other factors which influence the model. Chapter Two provides the historical background material to the shaping of the association and examines the reasons behind the Eels years of stagnation. The movement towards increased EC integration, as demonstrated through the SEA is highlighted in Chapter Three, followed by a fourth chapter exploring the Maastricht Treaty. Finally, in the concluding chapter. the main points of the thesis are reviewed. In the end, the reader will recognize the validity of the triangular association and its importance to European integration.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Subversion, the same as espionage, foreign influenced activities, and terrorism represents a unique threat to national security. It has been included within the security mandates of several western democracies such as Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, and the united States. In Canada, subversion and the investigation of its activities have played a significant role in the history and development of the country's security and intelligence organizations. In 1984, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act became law, and paragraph 2(d) of the threat definitions section of the Act was intended to allow the Service to investigate subversive activities.</p> <p>The debate over subversion as a threat to Canadian national security began in 1987 with the findings and recommendations of the Security Intelligence Review Committee's 1986-1987 Annual Report which questioned the validity of the counter-subversion branch of CSIS. In 1990 the debate continued when the Five-Year Parliamentary Review Committee of the CSIS Act recommended to the Solicitor General of Canada that section 2(d) be repealed from the legislation. The Committee's decision was based primarily on the belief that the other threat definitions of the Act could adequately cover the subversive threat in Canada.</p> <p>Subversion is ideologically neutral and even though a particular organization may decrease in political significance the methodologies of subversion remain constant, and available to any movement on either the left or right of the political spectrum. Paragraph 2(d) therefore remains an integral part of CSIS' overall mandate and without it the Service would be incapable of advising the government as to the true extent of the subversive threat against the constitutionally established system of government.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The liberal notion of freedom, that the individual has a right to pursue his own self-ascribed interests in his own way, is an intuitively appealing account of political freedom. On a theoretical level, however, this notion of freedom has traditionally been linked with justifications of capitalist market relations. These relations have themselves persistent+'Y been criticised by humanist theorists who have argued that they entail coercion and are "dehumanising". In their turn, humanist positions have consistently been criticised by liberals for opening up the possibility of coercion in the name of freedom. This raises the immediate question of whether liberals and humanists appeal to similar or substantially different notions of freedom in their arguments for and against capitalism.</p> <p>In addressing this question this thesis raises a number of important theoretical issues. Through an examination of Lockean liberalism it is argued that there is, in fact, no necessary link between the liberal notion of freedom and the justification of capitalist appropriation. Indeed, it is argued that this notion of freedom could be used as a foundation for arguing in support of and justifying other forms of appropriation. Via a consideration of Marx's critique of capitalism it is argued that the concept of freedom that can be drawn out from this can be understood to be compatible with the liberal concept. By considering Marcuse's critique of advanced industrial society it is argued that it is only under certain conditions that humanist positions tend to justify coercion in the name of freedom.</p> <p>Through a consideration of the compatibility between the liberal notion of freedom and that which is drawn out of Marx's critique of the capitalist mode of production, it is suggested that it would be possible to launch a critique of contemporary capitalism from the foundation provided by the liberal premise that the individual has a right to pursue his own self-ascribed interests in his own way. Finally, pointers are provided to the form that such a critique could take.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This study examines the nature of internal decision making in the two major political parties in Canada as it relates to leadership selection. The thesis argues that, as essentially electoral-competitive (cadre-style) organizations, the Liberals and Conservatives do not rigidly adhere to democratic principles in the selection of their leaders. To support this contention, an examination of the representativeness, openness and the extent of membership control in the leadership selection process is undertaken in order to determine what factors facilitate and restrict intra-party democracy. The thesis also offers an analysis of motivational factors affecting delegate preference in order to test the validity of the winnability thesis, i.e., that the candidate perceived as the best vote-getter for the party is selected as leader regardless of his experience or loyalty to the party organization. In conclusion, it is argued that the Liberals and Conservatives, although primarily oriented towards electoral activity, should be understood as more than mere electoral machines unconcerned with internal democracy. Rather, the parties have displayed a steady, though as yet incomplete, movement towards a more open and democratic leadership selection process involving grassroots participation.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis explores how Scottish devolution has affected the representation of Scottish interests in the UK foreign policy process and in international affairs. The literature on non-central governments in foreign policy is used to indicate the specific motivations, methods and conditions which contribute to effective representation of NCGs' interests in external affairs. This is complemented by the literature on European integration which describes the most prominent international arena for Scottish international activity and the conditions conducive to NCG activity in it. The argument of the thesis is that the institutional arrangements for Scottish activity in the UK foreign policy and international affairs, while defining a clear role for Scotland, do not fulfill the conditions which the literature suggests will result in the effective representation of Scottish interests. This will be demonstrated through an exploration of the institutional arrangements for Scottish international activity - most clearly defined by the Memorandum of Understanding and supplementary agreements - and the likely impact of these arrangements on the conduct of Scottish representation in the UK foreign policy process and in international affairs.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>In the mid 1990s the Progressive Conservative Government of Ontario implemented a series of policies that transformed the institutional relationship between the Province and its municipal subordinates. Such policies were designed to create a system that would be more streamlined, rational, and most importantly, cost-effective. To achieve these goals, municipalities across Ontario were consolidated on the assumption that larger municipalities would have the capacity to operate in a more cost-effective manner. Quite perversely however, the opposite effect has been observed as the costs of municipal operations have increased. . Taking such factors into account, this thesis examines the rational surrounding these policy decisions. More specifically, it seeks to answer the following question in the context of organization theory: In light of the empirical evidence that demonstrates that the perceived benefits of municipal consolidation are difficult to attain, why did the Government of Ontario choose to amalgamate municipal governments in an attempt to create a more cost-effective system of municipal governance? I argue that there are two main factors that can account for this policy decision. First, relevant policymakers did not possess the necessary expertise to impose major legislative and structural changes. Secondly, by not sufficiently engaging experts at the municipal level, policymakers placed themselves in a significant knowledge deficit problem. By taking these factors into account, we can begin to understand why this policy decision was taken. It is hoped that this research will contribute to the academic debate on the municipal restructuring policies of the former Progressive Conservative Government of Ontario. Much of the academic literature that has preceded this research tends to take a non-analytical approach. As such, very few theoretical explanations have been offered in an attempt to demonstrate why such a policy was adopted. This research demonstrates the importance of placing policy decisions in an analytical framework.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, together with the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguard system, stands at the center of international efforts to control the spread of nuclear weapons. The NPT, in particular, represents the culmination of a decade long debate on the question of non-dissemination. It seeks primarily to halt the spread of nuclear weapons to states not already possessing them, and at the same time, seeks to halt and reverse the existing arms race. Negotiated in the mid-1960's, it was largely a product of its time. More than two decades have elapsed since the NPT was open for signature, and the nuclear environment has changed profoundly.</p> <p>This study investigates the evolution of the NPT regime from the immediate aftermath of World War II, to the present. It is an attempt, above all, to recapture the historical negotiating context of the NPT in order to account for its provisions, and assess its current stability in light of a new and changing environment.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Why have some governments been more successful than others in responding to the threat of domestic terrorism within their states? This thesis seeks to analyze the conditions of effective response to the threat of terrorism in the liberal democratic state. The working assumption of this thesis is that the type of terrorist phenomenon shapes the appropriate policy response. Each terrorist act requires a unique response determined by the particulars of the situation. Since some of the potential responses to terrorism pose an equal, if not greater, threat to democratic freedoms than does terrorism itself, a balanced response to terrorist activity is necessary. It is the right dose of flexible tolerance which will safeguard the liberal democratic balance between the rights of the individual and the security of the whole community. This thesis will provide a comprehensive analysis of the more widespread and potentially destabilizing nationalist terrorism - using the case studies of the Irish Republican Army and Spain's Euzkadi ta Askatasuna; and the threat of revolutionary terrorism - using the case studies of Italy's Red Brigades and the Federal Republic of Germany's Red Army Faction. This thesis will look at the full range of policy options that may be open to governments in responding to terrorism: anti-terrorist legislation; intelligence; military/police/security cooperation; and media management. Governments, understandably, do not release the full details of their counter-terrorism procedures. Recent data references are difficult to find. It is for these reasons that the time frame of this thesis will be restricted primarily to the period between the mid-1960s to the early 1980s.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>Diplomacy has been an important component in international relations since the earliest of civilizations. As societies evolved, so did diplomacy. In the context of the relationship between Canada and the United States the issue of acid rain resulted in some unusual diplomatic tactics being employed by Canada. This thesis seeks to review the degree of this unusual behaviour and determine whether it is an indication of a shift in the nature of diplomacy in the Canadian-American relationship, or an isolated incident, not likely to be repeated.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

To attempt a comprehensive survey of the development and main problems of the Canadian federal debt may seem overly ambitious in the necessarily short span of an undergraduate thesis. But heated conflict over principles of fiscal policy which by and large determine the growth of the debt, and a more general lack of information on particular Canadian problems relating to it, make even a summary survey of some value: and this is all the more true in the absence of any great amount of literature on the subject. Canada's net debt of some eleven and one-half billions of dollars may be just another example of governmental inefficiency to the steelworker; the small businessman may think of it only in terms' of the larger taxes he must pay to take-care of the interest charges; and a financier, willing enough to accept past debt growth as an essential antecedent to Canadian national development; maybe just as unalterably opposed to any further growth. The fact that all these men lack a "rounded Approach'" to fiscal and debt policy is important. As voters, they determine the party in power in Ottawa, and so indirectly, the course of Canadian public finance. But more than a lack of knowledge or apathy on the part of the citizens justifies an attempt to treat some first principles; three trends, forming a significant part of the contimporary political scene, urge knowledge of federal fiscal policy, especially as it relates to the public debt. In the first place, the years since Confederation have seen a tremendous increase in the absolute size of the debt. The consequent growth of the interest charges, which form the real "burden of the debt", has proceeded at only a slightly slower rate. Were the national income to slump again as it did in the early thirties, it would prove even more of a strain on the economy to take care of the interest charges than it did then. We may very properly take an interest in the largest single item in the federal budget, especially one which can cause so much difficulty. Secondly, the present trend in the government towards what may be called an economy of "welfare capitalism" is a costly process. The increase in the debt that this may entail is worthy of careful study. Thirdly, the increasing favour with which fiscal policy called for chronic government deficits is viewed calls for a searching review of the economic reasoning that lies behind it, in the light of the continuing increases in the debt that it may cause. No attempt has been made to carry the topic beyond the bounds of the federal debt. The public debt of the various provinces and municipalities is both extensive and of complex structure, worthy of a separate study in itself; but it is not nearly so important in the aggregate, as the federal debt. Moreover, the limitations of space would prevent an adequate treatment of any part of the public debt, should we attempt to deal with them all at once. It seems both fair and reasonable, therefore, to confine the topic to the most important segment of the public debt, and deal exclusively with the Canadian federal debt. Whenever the phrase "the public debt" is used in the text for brevity, or to avoid monotony, it should be remembered that it is to this particular portion of it that we refer. Finally, all attempts at justification and apology aside, the author wishes to express his gratitude to those who so generously aided the completion of this work. To Dr. R.C.McIvor, of the Department of Political Economy, his thanks are due for much patient review of the rough manuscript, and far many helpful suggestions. The searching comments of his colleagues in the Honour Course, and especially of Miss Willa Harwood and Mr. John Panabaker, not infrequently spurred him on. Responsibility for the final version, must of course, be accepted by the author alone. / Bachelor of Arts (BA)