本論文主要希望能夠藉由軍事準則一非作戰軍事行動(Military Operations Other Than War, MOOTW)的實務操作面向去分析「美日防衛合作新指針」中「雙方平時合作事項」，運用理論與實踐去檢證美日軍事合作對國際社會的貢獻與對台海的適用性。因為，在未來亞太安全與和平上，日本將扮演更積極角色與參加國際事務，那對曾受迫害的亞洲地區民族而言，如果無法保持客觀、理性的中立立場去觀察，那將難以抹取二次大戰軍國主義歷史的陰影，只會阻礙亞太地區邁向二十一世紀全球化的發展，具體而言，本論文具有大膽理論探討之前瞻性，屬於前沿理論(軍事準則)的概念形式。 針對亞太地區而言，在冷戰期間並沒有產生如同北大西洋公約組織及華沙公約組織一般相互對峙的軍事集團，而蘇聯所扮演的角色也僅是影響亞太安全的數個強權國家之一。冷戰結束之後，國際體系架構在冷戰結束後跨入了一個新的交替時期，東、西兩極體系彼此對抗的大環境已然消失，亞太地區也因為缺乏一個有效的多邊安全機制而失去了足以依靠的平衡槓桿。因此，亞太地區便逐漸形成一種「動態平衡」的結構。美國身為二十一世紀的唯一超強，其對於亞太地區，尤其是東北亞地區的安全政策，便成為大家所關注的焦點。其中民主國家又以美國及日本之間的共同防禦條約最值得吾人注意。 美日安保條約已逐漸成為兩國之間互動的重要架構之一，雖然美日安保條約仍以軍事安全為核心，但也進一步成為雙方經濟、政治、文化和議題發展的結構性支柱。尤其蘇聯瓦解，使得世界在可預期的未來，似乎不可能出現大規模世界核子戰爭，但是區域間的族群衝突，跨國恐怖活動、毒品走私或海盜活動等，這些「低強度衝突」(Low Intensity Conflict,LIC)的發生機率又非常的高，帶給人類和平與安全有莫大威脅，因此從實務層面思考，如何解決前述國際安全問題，才是美、日安保同盟對國際和平最大的貢獻。 針對本論文研究發現，有以下兩點建議： 一、建立國軍「非作戰軍事行動」準則 例如國內發生重大災難與跨國恐怖事件，或與國外軍事合作的行動準則，由本論文的研究發現可參考美軍準則如下：(一)可參考《美軍聯合作戰教令(Joint pub3-0》一建立(或增列)國軍聯合作戰準則中。(二)可參考《非作戰軍事行動聯合教令(Joint pub3-7)》建立國軍非作戰軍事行動教令。(三)可參考美軍陸、海、空軍對非作戰軍事行動的規範，建立國軍各軍種教範，資料如后: 1.美國陸軍野戰教範(FM100-5)。 2.美國海軍作戰準則(NDP1: Naval Warfare)。 3.美國空軍非作戰軍事行動準則(ADD2-3)。 二、積極參與區域海上人道救援行動 戰爭現已不再容易獲得國內與國際輿論之支持，反之，一國參與維持國際和平或區域海上人道救援行動，不僅容易獲得國內輿論之讚許，且可提高並贏得國際聲譽。實際上，維持國際和平與海上人道救援訓練與戰爭並無二致。並可達「寓戰於訓」的目的。而且從俄羅斯在北海的明斯克號潛艦沉沒事件，國軍在發展二代潛艦兵力的同時，對區域海上人道救援行動更應該積極參與，並列入爭取美、日、韓、澳、星等多邊國家軍事交流與訓練的第一優先項目。 關鍵詞：非作戰軍事行動 美日防衛合作新指針 低強度衝突 美日關係 / The main purpose of this thesis is looking forward to analyzing the mutual cooperation in the peace period in the " The New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines " by the military principle- the real operation level of Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW). We use this theory and practice to verify the contribution of the military cooperation of between America and Japan for international society and the adaptability using in Taiwan Strait. Since the Japan will be a more active role and take part in more mission for the security and peace of Asia and Pacific area in the future. To those peoples who had suffer the oppression by Japan in Asian areas, if they can not keep an objective, rational and impartial position to observe this event,it will be hard to erase the shadow of militarism causing by Japan in the World War II.The result of this prejudice will only obstruct the progress of Asian area forward to the development of Internationalize in the 21^st century.Concretely speaking, this thesis posses a foreside in the theory discussion,and belong to the conceptualize style of the leading edge theory(military principle). Specifically speaking to the Asia and Pacific areas, it do not result the same conflict of each military ally as did between NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization.The former Soviet Union took part in one of the powerful countries,which influence the security of the Asian and Pacific areas. After cold war, the international structure enters to a new interchange period.The entire environment confronting between western and eastern polarities had disappeared. Asia-Pacific area lost a dependable balance lever due to lacking an effective multilateral security mechanism. Therefore, Asia- Pacific area gradually becomes a "dynamic balance" structure.The U.S. is the only one super power in the world in 21st century. The Asia-Pacific area security strategy of the U.S.,especially in northeast Asia, is the focus to other countries.For other democratic countries,the U.S.-Japan defense alliance is the axis about which the Asia-Pacific security policy of the US rotates. The U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines has become one of important structures of interactions between both sides.Although the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines is focus on military security, furthermore, it becomes a construction pillar in economy, politics, culture and relevant developing issues on both sides. Especially,after the former Soviet Union broke down, it is almost impossible to have a nuclear war took place in the future,instated, the regional ethnic conflicts, international terrorism, narcotics dealing and smuggling and piratical activities take place very often, those bring huge threat to our peace and security. Pragmatically thinking about this, how to figure out those international issues can be the biggest contribution in terms of international peace. Based on our research,we propose the following suggestions: 1. To establish the R.O.C."Peacetime Military Operation Guidelines" for providing the Ministry of National Defense a guideline on dealing with the domestic disasters,deterring terrorism, and perusing international cooperative operations.We found that the US doctrines can provide a hands on reference: (1) The US Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-0) can be referenced to establish the ROC joint operation doctrines. (2) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-7) can also be referenced to establish ROC Other than War joint operation doctrines. (3) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrines,for examples; US Army Operation Doctrine (FM 100-5),US Navy Operation Doctrine (NDP I: Naval Warfare), and US Air Force Other Than War Operation Doctrine (AFDD 2-3), can be referenced to establish ROC Services' Other Than War Joint Operation Doctrines. 2. To participate Asia-Pacific area rescue operations The international and nation's general public do not support the conduction of war. In contrary, the general publics always give highly respects to the organization join the international rescue operations. In facts,the procedure on conducting the war is similar to join the international rescue operation. Furthermore,the operation furnishes our troops a training event.For example, the Russia joined the rescue operation on Minske event. While the new generation submarine program is underway, we should take action and participate the area rescues, and join the international association work organized by US,Japan, Korea, Australia,and Singapore. Keywords: Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW),the New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines,Low Intensity Conflict( LIC ),the U.S.-Japan Relations.

This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography