Presented to the Faculty of the University of Texas for the degree of Master of Arts in June, 1947. / Bibliography: p. 119-133.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Yale University, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [374]-395).

Inaug.-diss.--Halle-Wittenberg. / Lebenslauf. Bibliography: p. xi-xx.

Thesis (LL. M.)--Judge Advocate General's School, U.S. Army, 1973. / "30 March 1973." Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-114). Also issued in microfiche.

This thesis explores the possibility of urban citizenship, focusing on the relation between the ‘urban’ and ‘citizenship’ as an expression of the problem of sovereignty. It highlights a key aspect that prevailing accounts fail to address, arguing that urban citizenship is characterized by twin logics of ‘urbanization’ and ‘citizenship’ that express conceptual binaries and transition narratives between nature/culture, rural/urban, space/time, and past/future from which there cannot be any fixed solution to the question of non-statist urban subjectivity. This is demonstrated in regenerations of the exclusionary inside/outside logic of sovereignty identified in theories of urban citizenship. Following Jacques Derrida in his concept of ‘aporia’, I undergo a close examination of these two processes, arguing that their conditions of possibility contain the impossibility of their unification and necessarily invoke sovereign politics for securing their distinctions, while simultaneously rendering them inherently unstable. An analysis of the aporetic logic of sovereignty underlying two terms reveals that, rather than seeking closure to the question of urban citizenship, engaging with the aporia can open up political possibilities and challenges for future theoretical and empirical work for politics. / Graduate

The turbulent reign of Tsar Nicholas II has been treated by many historians, but few of them have delved deeply into the important constitutional issues which arose during the crucial years 1905-1915. Undoubtedly, the most important constitutional problem of the period was the exercise of sovereignty. Where did sovereignty reside in theory, and who exercised it in practice? Was the Tsar the sovereign power, or was sovereignty exercised on his behalf by someone else? Could the Tsar have become a constitutional monarch by limiting his own sovereign powers? Did the October Manifesto establish a constitutional monarchy, and if not, what was its real significance? These are some of the most important questions which are discussed in detail in the thesis. The political events of the decade are examined in the light of the constitutional problems raised in 1905. The evidence presented suggests that the importance of the October Manifesto as a constitutional document has been exaggerated, and that the Fundamental Laws of 1906 were far more significant than has been generally believed. Count Witte's role in preserving the imperial prerogative powers is analysed in some detail. It is argued that the Fundamental Laws left the Emperor's legislative prerogative intact, and that the Duma therefore lost its raison d'être long before its first convocation. This loss caused the first two Dumas to challenge the constitutional system established by the Fundamental Laws. The Third Duma achieved a kind of pragmatic authority during the Stolypin regime, but after 1911 the Duma ceased to play any kind of effective role in the governing process. Finally, it is argued that Nicholas II was incapable of exercising intelligently the extensive prerogative powers which the Emperor retained after 1905. His deficiencies of character and his reactionary political ideas made it impossible for reasonable men to serve as his ministers. In August of 1915, the worsening military situation necessitated an unequivocal decision by the Tsar as to whether he would accept once and for all the establishment of a constitutional monarchy. From the course of the negotiations between the Progressive Bloc and the cabinet, it would appear that a final transfer of the imperial legislative prerogative to the Duma was not contemplated; rather, the legislative prerogative would be exercised by a ministry of public and military leaders on behalf of the Emperor. This Nicholas could not bring himself to accept. He chose to rule rather than reign, and ruled as a virtually absolute monarch until 1917, when he suddenly found he had no choice at all but to abdicate. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

The aim of this study is an analysis of the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) management of the non-intervention and non-indifference dichotomy during its mediation in Zimbabwe. Non-intervention and non-indifference are inherently mutually exclusive hence the idea of tension between them. The institutional configuration of SADC, at the ideational level, is such that it encompasses commitment to sovereign equality and non-intervention and also to intervention in the interest of advancing regional stability, peace and security. Clearly, an uncertainty arises pertaining to the (supposed) relationship of these competing commitments; which concept or idea assumes precedence in an event of regional conflict or crisis that threatens regional stability? Additionally, the AU norm of non-indifference, which emerged in the aftermath of the deadly internecine conflict that engulfed Rwanda in 1994, has been embraced by SADC. SADC opted for mediation in Zimbabwe which paradoxically allowed it to manage and mitigate the tension between non-intervention and non-indifference. The mediation process produced the GPA in 2008 that subsequently led to the establishment of the power sharing government, the GNU, in 2009. As the guarantor of the GPA, SADC was involved in facilitating the implementation of the agreement. During this stage of its mediation intervention in Zimbabwe, clashes centred on non-intervention and non-indifference frequently occurred. In particular, President Mugabe was often at loggerheads with SADC over its involvement in Zimbabwe, occasionally accusing the organisation of undermining the country’s sovereignty. Despite Mugabe occasionally undermining the GPA, as was seen with his tendency to unilaterally appoint allies in strategic positions within the state for example, SADC did not change its stance on the question of the method of intervention in Zimbabwe. The use of mediation which is a peaceable method of intervention allowed SADC to manage the tension that naturally exists between non-intervention and non-indifference during its conflict resolution role in Zimbabwe. / Thesis (PhD (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / UP Doctoral Research Bursary / Political Sciences / PhD (International Relations) / Unrestricted

There is a growing consensus in the discipline of International Relations that the sovereign nation state, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, is a myth because of the several nations that can be found within one sovereign entity, made so by the Berlin conference of 1885 that partitioned Africa. Regardless of this consensus, international peacebuilding theory and practice is biased towards maintaining these sovereign arrangements that were created during the colonial periods by European colonizers. This bias is caused by several epistemic colonialities nested within a wider colonial matrix of power. Peacebuilding in Somalia presents an example of how these biases affect peace in a multiethnic, multiclan, and diverse society. / Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Political Sciences / MA (Diplomatic Studies) / Unrestricted

Literature on war crimes and crimes against humanity often focuses on political and legal perspectives, addressing international law and situations of a singularly recognized sovereign entity. This thesis seeks to explore conflict situations where multiple competing and irregular state-forms exist, using the Syrian conflict as a case study. Engaging with necropolitics, debilitation, and slow violence to understand techniques of governing through life and death, this research utilizes reporting on the Syrian conflict by non-governmental and international organizations to illustrate how war crimes and crimes against humanity function to produce sovereignty and legitimacy. Further, this research argues that the employment of techniques of governance by state-claiming actors in Syria indicates a relationship between the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity and the capacity of state-claiming actors to produce and reproduce sovereignty over territory and populations.

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