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Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : Droit international : Cambridge (Angleterre) : 2002. / Texte en anglais. Notes en français et en anglais. Contient des références bibliogr. Index.

Texte remanié de : Dissertation : Staats-und Sozialwissenschaft : Munich, Universität der Bundeswehr : 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 357-375.

Ausgehend von der Kopfsteuerbeschreibung der Fürstentümer Calenberg-Göttingen und Grubenhagen aus dem Jahr 1689 untersucht die Dissertation für die Region des heutigen Südniedersachsens die Entwicklung der wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Verhältnisse einer lokalen Gesellschaft im Kontext des Dreißigjährigen Krieges.

This thesis is about anti-popery in early modern England, how its meanings and political uses in printed literature changed in response to the dramatic developments of the Thirty Years' War. I contend that the languages of anti-popery, though structured by binary oppositions, were being used to express complex, multifaceted views about Catholic states in the 1620s and 1630s. The new perspective that this research offers is two-fold. Firstly, it asserts that anti-popery was an active and flexible tool of English Protestant debate about foreign affairs. 'Popish' tyranny, variously embodied in the Counter-Reformation papacy or Habsburg imperialism, was a malleable concept that adapted its meanings and associations with the political circumstances. Our early modern subjects were capable of separating anti-Catholic beliefs about idolatrous worship from political questions of how to identify, and combat, the threat of papal tyranny. Thus, this thesis argues that a greater range of irenic attitudes towards relations with Catholic powers were circulating than previously thought. Secondly, this thesis argues that several different anti-papal languages were operating alongside, and in competition with, one another in early Stuart political culture. As a fluid set of tropes, associations and prejudices, anti-popery had different meanings for different authors and incorporated a range of political and religious agendas. Anti-popery, therefore, was not simply a tool of Puritan opposition to the non-interventionist policy of the Stuarts, but, I argue, was also compatible with a more moderate or conciliatory attitude to Catholic states, including Habsburg Spain. The printed debates of the 1620s and 1630s expose the tensions that existed between competing ideas about the nature of the external popish threat. By 1635 and the reversal of Protestant fortunes on the Continent, these competing anti-papal ideas were exposing the tensions within England about the nature of its Protestantism, and thus helped precipitate the Civil Wars.

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The subject of this thesis is the problematics of the military camps of Christian armies in the Central Europe between 1550-1650. We focus on the camps of the Habsburg Monarchy and German lands, yet some space is given to the situation in Poland and Hungary. The introductory chapters consist of a characterization of the source material and an overview of the present state of research. Furthermore, excursuses into several topics related to the military camps of the early modern period are made. Thus, characterizations of the crucial war conflicts of the period, contemporary strategies and tactics, principals, composition and equipment of the armies, of the ranks, and of the life of soldiers are provided. The core of this work is an interpretation and comparison of treatises written by military theorists, who dealt with the problematics of camps, namely of the works by Jan Tarnowski, Guillaume du Bellay, Leonhardt Fronsperger, Lazarus von Schwendi, Giorgio Basta, Johann Jacobi von Wallhausen, and Raimondo Montecuccoli. Additionally, an analysis of the military orders of the Roman emperor Maximilian II and of the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf is supplied, followed by memoirs and diaries of soldiers of that era, and contemporary literary fiction. Although the thesis includes brief characterizations of...

Staatsexamensarbeit - Universität, Marburg, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references and sources and register.

La notion de communication politique reçoit des définitions diverses qui paraissent irréconciliables : définition de politologue fondée sur une organisation contemporaine de la politique poussant le concept dans le domaine de la propagande, définition de médiéviste mettant l'accent sur l'oralité et la symbolique des images. Amorcé en Allemagne dans les années 1990, un mouvement historiographique tend à se développer en France, mais sans pour autant offrir une définition applicable à l'ensemble de la modernité.En revenant au sens premier de la communication politique, soit à l’histoire politique et plus particulièrement diplomatique, il s'agit ici d’étudier la politique extérieure de la France et ses moyens (réseaux de communication et d'information, correspondances, production imprimée, etc.) et ainsi de retrouver le sens de l’action diplomatique française. Au-Delà de la simple étude fonctionnelle, seule une étude approfondie de la communication peut permettre de voir si et comment un État peut maîtriser un tel outil et dans quel(s) espace(s).Pour ce faire, le Saint-Empire au début de la guerre de Trente Ans fait office de terrain d'étude. La mise en place des différents acteurs et le déroulement des premiers affrontements en font un élément d'observation riche. L'étude se place également dans une période bien définie de l'histoire politique française : l'exercice personnel par Pierre Brulart, vicomte de Puisieux, de la charge de secrétaire d'État aux Affaires étrangères entre avril 1617 et février 1624. / The concept of political communication is confronted to various definitions which seem incompatible. The political one is based onto a contemporary management of the politics which pulls the concept to the field of propaganda. The medievalist one emphasizes the orality and the symbolic of images. Some studies have been led in Germany since the 1990's and intend to grow up in France but they do not offer a definition which could apply the modern era.We would come back to the initial meaning of the political communication, i.e. to the political and diplomatic history, in order to study the foreign politics of France and its means (communication and information networks, correspondences, printed documents, etc.) and find the direction of the diplomatic action of France. In addition to a classic functional study, a thorough study of communication should allow to observe if and how a State can control such tool and in which space(s).The Holy Roman Empire at the beginning of the Thirty Years War has been chosen as object for this study. The establishment of the various protagonists and the first confrontations turn it to a rich observation field. The study focuses too on a well defined period of the french politic history: the personal practice by Pierre Brulart, viscount of Puisieux, of the office of secretary of State for Foreign Affairs between april 1617 and february 1624.