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Twentieth-century environmentalist discourse often laid the blame for environmental degradation on Western civilization, and presented the religious traditions of the East as offering an ecocentric antidote to Western dualism and anthropocentrism. Gary Snyder has looked to Chinese and Japanese Buddhism to inform his environmentalist poetry and prose. While Snyder often writes in terms of a dualism of East and West, he synthesizes traditional forms of Buddhism with various Western traditions, and his green Buddhism ultimately undermines more simplistic oppositions of East and West. The first chapter reads Snyder's writing of the mid-1950s alongside several of his West Coast contemporaries - Kenneth Rexroth, Allen Ginsberg, Michael McClure, Philip Whalen and Jack Kerouac - showing that these writers evoked the natural world together with Buddhist themes before the advent of the modern environmental movement in order to mount a critique of Cold War American culture. Snyder's early interest in Buddhism was motivated largely by translations of Chinese poetry and Chapter Two examines his own translations of the Tang Dynasty poet Hanshan. In Snyder's translations and contemporaneous original poetry, Buddhist poetics mingle with American conceptions of wilderness. Chapter Three shows how Snyder's Buddhism was influenced by Anglophone writers such as D.T. Suzuki and Alan Watts, and argues that from the late 1960s Snyder aimed to Americanize Buddhism as ideas of localism became more central to his environmentalism. Chapter Four examines Snyder's synthesis of Hua-yen Buddhism and Western scientific ecology in the 1970s and 1980s. Chapter Five examines 'The Hokkaido Book,' an unfinished prose work on environmental attitudes in the Far East in which Snyder considers the relationship between the civilized and the primitive. Chapter Six examines the influence of Chinese landscape painting and Japanese No drama, two forms steeped in Buddhist ideas, on the poems of 'Mountains' and 'Rivers Without End'.

This investigation is a study of grievance machinery in industrial relations, as it operates within the Eighth Regional War Labor Board, which serves the states of Texas, Oklahoma, and Louisiana. By grievance machinery is meant the formal procedure through which the worker or his representative must proceed in order to get a grievance or complaint about working conditions, wages, or other items, heard and settled.

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Beginning with reclamation projects in the western U.S., the heavy construction industry helped the federal government grow in size and sophistication in the twentieth century. The Morrison-­Knudsen Corporation throughout the twentieth century represented one of the federal government's favored contractors. Following western reclamation projects, the U.S. federal government then used contractors to help move the U.S. economy out of the Depression, prepare for World War II, wage the Cold War at home and abroad, and win the space race. Thus, at key stages in United States history we observe the necessity of the U.S. federal government partnering with the heavy construction industry to achieve its policy objectives at home and abroad. Morrison-Knudsen was once the largest heavy contractor in the United States, participating in the construction of Hoover Dam, Pacific Naval Air Bases, Hanford Engineering Works, the U.S. Intercontinental Ballistic Missile System, and the Vehicle Assembly Building at the Kennedy Space Center.

This dissertation is a case study of a public policy decision, the decision to shift the military manpower policy of the United States from conscription to a policy of complete volunteerism--the all-volunteer force. The case study approach is largely historical and is concentrated on the turbulent period between 1965, when the United States' combat role in South Vietnam escalated sharply, and 1973, the year of American withdrawal from the war and the last Selective Service System draft call. A brief history of the military manpower policy of the United States is outlined in order to set the case study period within the proper context and to permit a fuller understanding and appreciation of the policy decision. In order that the case study may have potential application to the study of other public policy decisions, a theoretical model for changes in public policy-making is developed based on the research of public policy-making theorists. This model, which is largely adapted from the theoretical work of ~he Agenda-Building Theorists, is compared to the events and inter-actions of key players in the case study. Although conclusions about a wider applicability of the model is not possible, it can be concluded that the theoretical model does fit the events and circumstances contained in the case study. In addition to attempting to derive a working theoretical model of change in public policy-making, a secondary purpose of the research is to address the nonnative aspects of the shift in policy from conscription to volunteerism. Based on the pattern of American military manpower policy, it appears that Anglo-Saxon liberalism, rooted in the freedom of the individual, is an extremely strong strain in American thinking, and that the relatively long period of conscription in the United States after World War II was an anomaly in the history of American military manpower policies. / Ph. D.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1960 N37

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George Eldon Ladd was a pivotal figure in the resurgence of evangelical scholarship in America during the years after the Second World War. Ladd's career as a biblical scholar can be seen as a quest to rehabilitate evangelical thought both in content and image, a task he pursued at great personal cost. Best known for his work on the doctrine of the Kingdom of God, Ladd moved from critiquing his own movement to engaging many of the important theological and exegetical issues of his day. Ladd was a strong critic of dispensationalism, the dominant theological system in conservative evangelicalism and fundamentalism, challenging its anti-intellectualism and its uncritical approach to the Bible. Ladd participated in scholarly debates on the relationship between faith and historical understanding, arguing that modern critical methodologies need not preclude orthodox Christian belief. Ladd also engaged the thought of Rudolf Bultmann, the dominant theological figure of his day. Ladd's main focus, however, was to create a work of scholarship from an evangelical perspective that the broader academic world would accept. When he was unsuccessful in this effort he descended into depression, bitterness and alcoholism. But Ladd played an important part in opening doors for later generations of evangelical scholars, both by validating and using critical methods in his own scholarly work, and also by entering into dialogue with theologians and theologies outside the evangelical world. It is a central theme of this dissertation that Ladd's achievement, at least in part, can be measured in the number of evangelical scholars who are today active participants in academic life across a wide range of disciplines.

This thesis outlines the perception of homegrown political violence in The United States during the 1970s, as personified by the Symbionese Liberation Army, through a reconstruction and analysis of the critical narratives used to ascribe meaning to them contemporaneously. Scholarship thus far has failed to recognize the importance of this group, dismissing their ineffectual actions and ideology rather than recognizing the broader importance of their cultural permeation. Although the SLA was informed by juvenile political awareness and characterized by largely ineffective revolutionary actions, the failure by most historians of the period to address the form and function of their ubiquitous public image has contributed to the groundless historical assumption that the political violence of the early 1970s was no more than the inevitable result of the personal and political self-indulgences of the 1960s. This misconception has thus far preempted meaningful analysis of this chapter of unprecedented American political violence and the American public's first interaction with political extremism, articulated through civilian casualties, bombings, kidnapping, and the co-option of print and broadcast media. This experience, and particularly the way in which the SLA was portrayed at that time, contributed to the construction of simplistic dichotomies and vague explanations for political violence that were used contemporaneously to delegitimize protest by the left and justify the governmental abuse of civil liberties and have carried through largely unchanged to public discourse today. A careful analysis of the construction and reception of the SLA's meaning is therefore essential to a more lucid understanding of the times. Accordingly, the goal of this thesis is to reconstruct and analyze the narratives of the SLA in order to understand their role in American culture and 1970s political violence and ultimately to chart their loss of agency and the devaluation of their meaning in both history and public memory.