While this thesis focuses almost entirely on the German-American experience in late-antebellum Kentucky, it will, from time to time, make comparisons to immigrants elsewhere in America, especially the Irish. In addition, the thesis will explore the rich story of the strengths and weaknesses, the harmony and divisiveness, and the moderation and radicalism of Kentucky's German-born settlers. The question of cultural assimilation among immigrant groups has frequently fascinated social historians. One of the central themes of inquiry continues to be the relative speed with which various early arriving groups blend into mainstream American society, losing their former culture while making their own distinctive cultural contributions to the new society.1 Regarding the Germans specifically, historian Kathleen Neils Conzen has produced some superb work in recent years on the subject of ethnicity and assimilation.2 In a seminal article, Conzen poses the question: "How did so highly structured and sophisticated an ethnic culture disappear so completely?"3 This thesis will try to shed light on the beginning of that process using the microcosm of Kentucky's antebellum experience with German immigrants.

The present work investigates the often cited, but poorly supported, notion that Founding Father George Mason was a wealthy, slave-owning Virginian who vehemently opposed slavery. Utilizing Mason's state papers, letters, and other documents, as well as contemporaries' accounts of his speeches, this work will analyze those records' contextual construction, and it will deconstruct both Mason's written and spoken words and his actions and inactions relative to slavery. The goal of this effort is to determine whether Mason, who ostensibly played such an instrumental role in the development of the "rights" of Americans, and who remained a slaveholder—thereby trampling the rights of others—was truly opposed to slavery. Included in this work are chapters relating to the development of chattel slavery in the Tidewater, Virginia region from its inception and to the Mason family's mounting economic and political prominence, particularly the role of slaves in their attainment of that prominence. Two chapters analyze Mason's state papers, his writings on public matters, his public speeches, and other related material with a view towards determining their nexus with slavery and his role in their development. The final chapter focuses narrowly on Mason's personal relationship with slavery, and it includes both Mason's documents and his personal actions, with his documented actions concerning his own slaves meriting special attention. A portion of the chapter compares and contrasts Mason, Washington, and Jefferson on the matter of slave manumission. The argument is made that despite his consequential role in the development of some of America's revered founding documents, relative to his more prominent Virginia political peers, George Mason has garnered on rudimentary evaluation from the collective pens of more than two centuries of historians. Not only has Mason largely missed the genuine accolades befitting a Founding Father, some historians have simply ignored the contradictions of Mason's slave owning and his presumed abhorrence of slavery. Others have offered little more than a passing mention of Mason's slaveryrelated conundrum. Some have noted his slave-holding status, but then mistakenly considered anti-slavery and anti-slave trade as fungible positions and then proceeded to extol Mason's abhorrence of, and fight against, chattel slavery. Still others have claimed the institution was simply an unwelcome legacy entailed upon him. Mason, as an historical subject, stands under-reported, under-analyzed, often embellished, and generally carelessly considered. In spite of the effusive hyperbole of some Mason historians, this thesis argues Mason's apparently strong condemnations of the slave trade and of slavery were themselves strongly nuanced, and his actions (and, perhaps more importantly, his inactions) toward his own slaves run counter to the conclusive judgment of Mason as a slavery opponent. Nevertheless, Mason's statements and political actions—however tepid, and however nuanced—represent important work against the pernicious problem of slavery by a thoughtful, respected, and politically well-positioned Founding Father. This work will demonstrate Mason was likely neither the prescient anti-slavery advocate, as he is generally regarded among historians, nor fully a self-serving demagogue. Indeed, the definitive judgment of George Mason as a slave owning, Virginia planter, and Founding Father who served as a slavery opponent remains elusive.

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George Nicholas Sanders' involvement in regional, national, and international affairs in the mid-nineteenth century significantly shaped the history and unique character of America, as perceived by both Americans and Europeans. Sanders influenced the course of national political events not by idealistic leadership but by active participation. No one has yet written a biography on George N. Sanders, even though he played a prominent role in the annexation of Texas, Young America, presidential elections, diplomatic affairs, and in the Confederacy. Historians often ignored or slighted him because he tended to wield his influence behind-the-scenes. Hence, Sanders' true significance was often masked by the accomplishments and failures of more notable figures. Nevertheless, through Sanders' own words, as well as the letters and journals of presidents, statesmen, patriots, and family members, Sanders' activities and personality emerges. Born in Lexington in 1812 and raised in Carroll County, Kentucky, Sanders first entered national politics by organizing a meeting to promote Texas annexation and requesting presidential candidates to express publicly their position on the issue. In 1844, James K. Polk capitalized on this opportunity by supporting annexation and winning the presidency. Then in 1845, Sanders moved to New York to enter into politics and business. He became a leader of Young America, the progressive faction of the Democratic party, and also editor of the Democratic Review. His goal was to promote Stephen A. Douglas for president in 1852. Instead, Franklin Pierce won the Democratic nomination and ultimately the presidency, and he subsequently appointed Sanders Consul-General to London. In 1854, the Senate failed to confirm Sanders' appointment, voting 49 to 10 against him. His bizarre behavior, acrimonious criticism of political opponents, and close friendship with the European revolutionaries had alienated too many politicians. During the Civil War Sanders became a Confederate agent. In 1864, after numerous business ventures, he joined the secret service operation in Canada. Sanders was instrumental in organizing the St. Albans raid in Vermont and the abortive Niagara peace conference, two seemingly contradictory projects. Both were designed to achieve a favorable end to the war for the South. Finally, on May 2, 1865, President Johnson issued a $25,000 reward for his arrest in connection with Abraham Lincoln's assassination. The charges were ultimately dropped, but Sanders had probably encouraged John Wilkes Booth, although he was ultimately able to absolve the Confederacy of any blame in the plot. Sanders possessed vigor and charm, traits which won him many devoted friends. Therefore, he was capable of manipulating other people to achieve his own goals. Although Sanders was largely motivated by self-interest, he was never politically or financially successful. Despite his failures, in the mid-1800s Sanders exerted influence in national affairs, usually in the background of more prominent individuals.

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vi, 126 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This thesis explores the intersection of artistry, professionalism, and maternalism in the storytelling revival that occurred in the United States from 1890-1920, influencing a variety of child-centered reform movements. Though storytelling was practiced by men and women alike, it was portrayed as a maternal skill. However, storytelling's perceived multiplicity of uses led it to be interpreted in diverse ways. Such interpretations--particularly potent in the home, school, and library-displayed tensions inherent in the public role of these institutions, particularly in their approach to "child-centeredness." In the school, teachers embraced the nurturing potential of storytelling, arguing that it allowed them to teach more effectively. In the library, however, such an approach was rejected as antithetical to the efficient nature of the institution. The way these institutions conceived of storytelling shows that nurturing imperatives, though pervasive in childcentered reform in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, was not the only way to conceive of child-centeredness. / Committee in Charge: Dr. Jack Maddex, Chair; Dr. James Mohr; Dr. Ellen Herman

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism.

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