Thesis--American University, Washington, D.C. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis--American University, Washington, D.C. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2008. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 326-356). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR39055

This thesis analyzed the transformation of Uzbek state broadcast media into a public broadcaster. Based on the quantitative data, widely supported by the qualitative research, the researcher assessed that the prospects for public broadcasting in Uzbekistan were not good. The research was based on the responses of 22 Uzbek broadcast journalists and determined their perception of their roles in two time frames: present day and the future.The researcher grouped the respondents, based on their views of their present day roles, into two categories: "Independent Broadcasters" and "Socially Responsible Broadcasters." Independent Broadcasters showed professional confidence, strongly believed in the power of broadcast media and widely. supported the concept of public broadcasting in a transitional political environment.Socially Responsible Broadcasters strongly supported the idea of journalists being held accountable to the public, mostly agreeing that journalists were innovators and should promote diversity, equality, and represent the interests of the disadvantaged to the broader community. Unlike the Independent Broadcasters, these journalists were less confident about how well they were perceived by the audience and were concerned about whether their programs were relevant to the community.In the second study, respondents' views on their future roles were grouped into three categories: "Pessimists," "Pragmatic Idealists," and "Optimists."Journalists in the Pessimists' group expressed rather negative feelings about the future of their profession. In their view, Uzbekistan did not need a public media and journalists were not to serve as innovators in the society.Optimists expressed the opposite feelings, saying that they wanted to believe Uzbekistan would have public broadcasting in the future. They thought that the common good and the public interest should be the basis of broadcasting.Pragmatic Idealists believed that broadcasting would have to be a public corporation. But unlike the Optimists, these journalists were concerned about a lack of professionalism and funding, traditionalism in program content, and the lack of an advertising culture.All of the respondents, in this case, supported the idea of developing advertising as a means of supporting broadcasting in the future and saw it as a way of freeing themselves from government control and gaining editorial independence.Respondents in this study said that as long as they remained under state authority they would not call themselves "public broadcasters." They mostly agreed that a changing society needed a strong public media, which was independent of government influence and the marketplace. / Department of Journalism

The idea of an "Islamic threat" to national security in Uzbekistan is widespread in the media and amongst several academics. The regime of Uzbek President Islam Karimov has repeatedly emphasized the seriousness of this threat and acted to contain it. In this thesis, I examine both the present ability of different Muslim political actors to challenge the Uzbek state's defense position and recent historical elements of the Uzbek security strategy related to Islam. I argue that the relationship between Muslims and national security in Uzbekistan is characterized by the two following observations: (1) it is unlikely that Muslims are able to present a national security risk and (2) there are reasons to suspect that the national security policies of the Uzbek leadership target Islamic fundamentalism at least in part to legitimize the continued repression of most types of opposition.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, 1998. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-252).

No description available.

Entrepreneurship has become one of the most researched areas in recent years. Its importance has increased further by the emergence of the ‘transition countries’, the countries of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. As the transition countries strived to overhaul their economic and political systems in order to bring them in line with the rest of the market based economies, entrepreneurship and private sector development became the focus of the transition debate among the scholars and policy makers. A major part of the scholarly interest centred on the factors that hindered the development of the entrepreneurial sector. Numerous surveys of entrepreneurs and business owners have highlighted extensive lists of the most common obstacles to the development of enterprises. While the international organizations have concentrated on these reported obstacles, some members of the scholarship community have identified much more fundamental issues that both stifle the entrepreneurship development and encourage rent seeking behaviour. This study has used the theory of the allocation of entrepreneurial talents to explore the roots of the most commonly reported obstacles that the entrepreneurs face in the context of economic and political transition in Uzbekistan. We use historical evidence in conjunction with the contemporary survey data and our own interview results to establish the relationship between the ‘rules of the game’ that determine the system of talent allocation and entrepreneurship development. Our conclusions support earlier claims made by Baumol (1990) regarding the importance of the system of incentives and punishments in the development of entrepreneurship.

No description available.

This thesis offers a revaluation of the role played by Akramiya and Islam in the events of 13 May 2005 in Andijan. Using Scott's concept of the hidden transcript coupled with a Marxist analysis of the Uzbek state, this thesis suggests that the insistence on public conformity demanded by the state's secular nationalist project, in the context of a political economy of exploitation, creates dissonance with regards to the meaning of Islam among popular classes. Akramiya proposed a vision of Islam in tune with notions of moral economy. The protest constituted the public affirmation of an emerging intersection between class-based and religious identities. The temerity of the protestors when faced with increasing levels of violence was a reaction to the psychological effects of domination and the emotions associated with participation in an open act of defiance within the context of oppressive authoritarian rule.