Originally presented as the author's thesis, Lucknow University, 1968. / In Hindi; pref. in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. [223]-234) and index.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--McMaster University, 2005. / Advisor: Phyllis E. Granoff. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-236). Also available via World Wide Web.

This thesis examines the interrelation between ritual (seva), aesthetic experience, and philosophy in the Puṣṭimarga Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition of Vallabha (ca.1479-1531). In Vallabha's Suddhadvaita ("pure non-dual") philosophy, Kṛṣṇa is described as the embodiment of bliss or ananda. At the moment of creation, Kṛṣṇa manifests the world and individual souls (jivas) out of himself, but conceals the ananda within the jivas, and subjects them to his power of ignorance (avidya). Thus, jivas are in the search for restoring their ananda, which can only occur as a result of being in Kṛṣṇa's presence. I argue that it is by performing ritual that Puṣṭimarga devotees experience Kṛṣṇa's eternal lila ("play" or "sport"), transcend their states of avidya, and permanently restore their ananda. In Puṣṭimarga, emotion (bhava) is both the path to experiencing Kṛṣṇa and the goal of this path in and of itself. Puṣṭimarga theologians validate the salvific role of emotion by invoking Sanskrit aesthetic theory. I argue that aesthetic experience is central to Puṣṭimarga ritual (including offerings of music, food and ornamentation) on the one hand, and also qualifies liberation itself on the other.

No description available.

The bhakti sect of Vallabhacarya, founded by the preceptor-saint of that name in the last decade of the fifteenth century AD, otherwise known as Pustimarga or the Path of Grace, continues to attract an enthusiastic following in northern and western India, To the outsider, Pustimarga is manifestly 'this-worldly' in its orientation. For one thing, there are no ascetics; the gurus are hereditary descendants of Vallabhacarya by virtue of which they are highly revered by their disciples. For another, the bhakti ideals of detachment, disinterestedness and dedication receive palpable expression in the lavish and energetic worship of temple deities which are regarded as actual manifestations of the infant Krishna. This thesis, based largely on fieldwork conducted among devotees in Ujjain city, central India, gives a detailed account of routine temple life and worship. At the same time it explores the nature of the correspondence between the spiritual and phenomenal worlds epitomised in the temple as the celestial abode of Krishna and in its paraphernalia as embodiments of the exuberant emotions experienced by participants in the divine lila. Of pairticular significance in this respect is the special emphasis which devotees place on sacred food and feasting. The temple is geared to a redistributive economy in which the circulation of ritual commodities, including sacred food, becomes an elaborate expression for the sharing of divine sentiments. But as many devotees point out, this altruistic system of worship is always open to abuse from those persons who would exploit it for selfish ends.

Thesis--University of Lucknow. / Bibliography: p. [xxi]-xxii.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004. / Document formatted into pages; contains xix, 216 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2009 Aug. 17.

In the following essay, I will present my fieldwork that I've conducted in Radhakund India. For three weeks I was living in a hindu monastery (eg. ashram) that primarily houses a group of swedes who have formerly suffered from substance-abuse and have gone through medical detoxification, rehabilitation and 12-step treatment. They have all eventually taken up the religious/spiritual practice that the monastery focuses on; meditative and ritual practice in the tradition of gaudiya-vaishnavism. The monastery, namned Bhajan Kutir Ashram, was formed by the psychologist and author Torbjörn Fjellström, who himself is a practitioneer of gaudiya-vaishnavism. Besides rituals and meditation, pilgrimage to Radhakund is part of the religious practice and tradition these people adhere to. My ambition has been to investigate if their religious/spiritual practice in this tradition has been helpful in their recovery. My conclusion is that they have recovered through the cognitive and emotive tools, analytically called Sense of Coherence (SOC) that are found both in the 12-step treatment and the gaudiya-vaishnava-tradition. While the 12-step treatment has helped the respondents to recover from substance-abuse, their religious/spiritual practice in the context of gaudiya-vaishnavism is seen as a natural continuation of the 12 steps and a deepening of its principles. Another theoretical conclusion drawn from the material is that the way the respondents describe recovery, is practically impossible to separate from their religious/spiritual practice and perspectives.

ABSTRACT The local bhakti tradition prevalent and popular in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India worships Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa (Ru-K) as the divine couple. The divine couple Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the object of devotion of the greater Vaiṣṇava bhakti tradition has been the focus of several academic studies. Almost all scholarly publications and literature relating to the religious tradition of Kṛṣṇa tend to focus on Rādhā-Kṛṣṇa as the divine couple. In contrast, very little is published on Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa as a divine couple. My doctoral research examines the almost 700-year old Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition that is still very much alive today and that continues to thrive in the state of Mahārāṣṭra in India. The research has focused on centrality of Goddess Rukmiṇī in the tradition and its doctrine as revealed from the Marāṭhī devotional literature written by its poet-sants. I also study the devotional practices and profile of contemporary Ru-K tradition followers to establish how their understanding of the doctrine influences and shapes their personal practices. In particular, I explore the hypothesis that the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition is a distinctive, syncretistic, and living devotional tradition that integrates Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva elements in its Marathi poet-sant literature as well as in its religious practice amongst its followers. Thus, in both theory and practice, the tradition caters to the needs and dispositions of followers from various social classes. My research methodology mainly comprised textual analysis Marāṭhī devotional literature written by the four major poet-sants of the Ru-K bhakti tradition. The research also involved a small component of field trip to study the contemporary followers and practices of the tradition. Research revealed that the followers of Rukmiṇi-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition look upon Rukmiṇī as pure devotee of Kṛṣṇa. The analysis of the hagiographies and local legends reveal Rukmiṇī’s role as a mediator and facilitator of meetings of Kṛṣṇa with those who love him and are devoted to him. Acting as a mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his common devotees, she brought him out of his royal pastimes of Dvārakā to Paṇḍharapura, albeit on the pretext of getting upset with him. Following Kṛṣṇa’s appearance in Paṇḍharapura, it has become the centre and springboard of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The Paṇḍharapura pastimes of Kṛṣṇa primarily involve personal loving exchanges between Kṛṣṇa (as Viṭṭhala) and his devotees from all walks of life. In these pastimes, Rukmiṇī plays the compassionate mediator between Kṛṣṇa and his devotees, facilitating their meetings and exchanges. Therefore, Rukmiṇī is also looked upon by devotees as a kind and considerate mother. Analysis of the sant literature of the tradition revealed the dichotomous doctrinal stance of Advaitic (non dualistic) nirguṇa bhakti towards an impersonal Supreme taken by Jñāneśvara and Ekanātha, and that of Vaiṣṇava (dualistic) saguṇa bhakti towards a personalised form of Supreme, taken by Nāmadeva and Tukārāma, co-existing under the umbrella of Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition. The reason for such a harmonious co-existence of mutually incompatible doctrines and flourishing of the tradition despite the incongruity is owing to the two common practices, singing the glories of Kṛṣṇa and worshipping of personal form of Kṛṣṇa, both of which are considered to be of significance by both doctrines, albeit for different reasons and to achieve dissimilar objectives. Both practices have been instrumental in bringing together the followers and devotees with contrasting and incompatible doctrinal leanings. The case study of the contemporary devotees revealed a dichotomy, in the form of two different classes of devotees found within the tradition, one consisting of the non-elite rank and file devotees from rural and semi-urban regions displaying saguṇa bhakti practices and understanding, and the other consisting of devotees from the elite class taking an Advaitic nirguṇa stance. These classes continue to be maintained because the preachers, although Advaitic in their personal stance, tend to preach saguṇa bhakti to the masses, considering them to be insufficiently qualified for the advanced stage of Advaita. Consequently, the dichotomy perpetuates itself and is apparently harmonized through this bivalence on the part of preachers and common devotees. The unique aspect involving the fusion of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism that one finds in the form of Hari-hara-aikya-bhava, sets the Rukmiṇī-Kṛṣṇa bhakti tradition distinctly apart from the greater Vaiṣṇava tradition, where such a fusion is not just absent, but rather clearly and consciously avoided.