The role of industries and firms in propelling urban economic growth and change is an important issue in urban economic research and policy. A framework for identifying propulsive industries in advanced metropolitan economies is proposed. A propulsive industry is a set of firms, producing substitutable goods or services, which significantly influences urban economic growth and change. The framework examines the opportunities and limits in identifying propulsive industries using existing concepts and data from urban, regional and industrial economic research. Initially, industry characteristics propelling urban economic growth and change are described. These characteristics fall into two categories: propulsive mechanisms which directly stimulate urban income and employment growth; and economic factors which cause propulsive mechanisms to change over time. The analysis shows how nine characteristics can be turned into criteria for identifying local propulsive industries: industry size, growth performance, average employee earnings, occupational profile, multiplier performance, export orientation, vulnerability to import penetration of domestic markets, and sensitivity to economic recession and expansion. Two additional industry characteristics are rejected as criteria for identifying propulsive industries because of inadequate quantitative measures (innovation intensity, and match of occupational demand with local unemployment). A third, industry concentration, is rejected because, of uncertainty in the propulsive relationship with urban economic growth and change. The efficacy of using available data for identifying propulsive industries in metropolitan Vancouver, British Columbia is examined. Data are available for five out of the nine proposed criteria: industry size, net employment growth, average weekly wages, and sensitivity to economic recession and expansion. A provisional ranking of propulsive industries using these five criteria shows the dominant role of services in the metropolitan Vancouver economy. Finally, findings on the opportunities and limits for identifying local propulsive industries and implications for urban economic policy are discussed. The nine proposed criteria provide a more comprehensive and analytical approach for identifying propulsive industries than methods presently used by local economic policymakers. Available data are, however, inadequate for identifying propulsive industries in metropolitan Vancouver. Information on local propulsive industries can be used to set priorities among an increasingly complex and diverse array of urban economic growth programs; evaluate the efficacy of implemented programs; and monitor and evaluate changes in urban economic structure. Metropolitan governments could provide a vital forum for economic research and policy initiatives involving the identification and support of local propulsive industries. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Gastown, Vancouver's birthplace, is a small historic district embedded within the broader community of the Downtown Eastside. Over the past 25 years Gastown has been slowly upgrading; refashioning itself as a loft style residential neighbourhood and central tourist destination. Over the same period the Downtown Eastside's reputation as the city's "skid road" has become firmly entrenched. The pace of this community's upgrading and downgrading has quickened over the past five years and resulted in a current geography where we find loft-style condominiums, cappuccino bars and rising affluence interspersed with needle exchanges, homeless shelters and deepening disadvantage. What we see within the Gastown/Downtown Eastside community is a convergence of the spatial processes of social polarisation and the kinds of conflicts and negotiations that result. Polarisation, most broadly defined, describes a growing socio-economic and spatial divide between the "haves" and "have-nots" of Western societies and cities. While considerable attention has been paid to polarisation's conceptual meaning and empirical definition at the national and intra-urban levels, little focus has centered on how the process can be identified and analysed at the intra-community level. In the same way that polarisation at broader scales of analysis can be viewed as the sociotemporal coincidence of pauperisation and professionalisation, this dissertation defines intracommunity polarisation as the simultaneous occurrence of socio-spatial upgrading and downgrading. Using quantitative data from the census tract level, this dissertation investigates the empirical evidence of social polarisation within Gastown/Downtown Eastside. Using qualitative data the study explores the extent to which both revitalisation and deterioration are competing for the community's future and this polarisation is being experienced and negotiated by the varied residents and stakeholders of this urban community. Ultimately this dissertation sheds light on how the characteristics and causes of community based polarisation differ and parallel those at other scales of inquiry. It also outlines the truly local factors that affect polarisation's development, entrenchment and impact and illuminates the process' inconstant character and the time lag that exists between its qualitative experience and its quantitative identification.

Gastown, Vancouver's birthplace, is a small historic district embedded within the broader community of the Downtown Eastside. Over the past 25 years Gastown has been slowly upgrading; refashioning itself as a loft style residential neighbourhood and central tourist destination. Over the same period the Downtown Eastside's reputation as the city's "skid road" has become firmly entrenched. The pace of this community's upgrading and downgrading has quickened over the past five years and resulted in a current geography where we find loft-style condominiums, cappuccino bars and rising affluence interspersed with needle exchanges, homeless shelters and deepening disadvantage. What we see within the Gastown/Downtown Eastside community is a convergence of the spatial processes of social polarisation and the kinds of conflicts and negotiations that result. Polarisation, most broadly defined, describes a growing socio-economic and spatial divide between the "haves" and "have-nots" of Western societies and cities. While considerable attention has been paid to polarisation's conceptual meaning and empirical definition at the national and intra-urban levels, little focus has centered on how the process can be identified and analysed at the intra-community level. In the same way that polarisation at broader scales of analysis can be viewed as the sociotemporal coincidence of pauperisation and professionalisation, this dissertation defines intracommunity polarisation as the simultaneous occurrence of socio-spatial upgrading and downgrading. Using quantitative data from the census tract level, this dissertation investigates the empirical evidence of social polarisation within Gastown/Downtown Eastside. Using qualitative data the study explores the extent to which both revitalisation and deterioration are competing for the community's future and this polarisation is being experienced and negotiated by the varied residents and stakeholders of this urban community. Ultimately this dissertation sheds light on how the characteristics and causes of community based polarisation differ and parallel those at other scales of inquiry. It also outlines the truly local factors that affect polarisation's development, entrenchment and impact and illuminates the process' inconstant character and the time lag that exists between its qualitative experience and its quantitative identification. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Downtown Vancouver is becoming a spectacular place. Reflecting dominant trends found in many restructuring Canadian cities, its landscape has become increasingly aestheticized, privatized, consumption-based, and regulated. Since the late-1960s, boosters have worked to strengthen Vancouver's position in the international scene by staging it as a world class city, an inviting and exciting destination. To attract desired publics, downtown has been framed as the alluring gateway, the spectacular centre, the glittering jewel of Vancouver. Making this convivial centre—which I call Happyland—has involved remaking and reimaging downtown to 'upgrade' its perceived 'decay'. Like many North American central cities in the 1960s, with the advent of suburbanization and general economic decline, downtown Vancouver's role as the major shopping and entertainment centre of 'respectable' citizens seriously waned. New landscapes took shape as into the marginalizing spaces new publics made their places and inscribed their cultures. Parts of downtown became widely stigmatized as degraded and neglected, as taken over by 'undesirables'. Thus, making Happyland has largely been about 'civilizing' downtown—involving not only dramatic redevelopment, but also heavy marketing and increased policing. I read the remaking of downtown—Robson and Granville Streets in particular—by analyzing the changing landscape, local media, City decisions, place marketing, and the voices of various actors from multiple sources, including personal interviews. While the dominant narrative celebrates an urban renaissance, I argue that downtown is being purified, whereby a tightly scripted order is being fixed in which certain people, cultures, signs are 'out of place' and subjected to increasing levels of regulation. In particular, street youth have been identified as 'pests' who 'spoil' the desired clean, ordered, happy image. I see the demonization of street youth as reflecting wider relations of power. I argue that the narrative of Happyland, the dominant public culture being fixed downtown excludes other narratives, experiences, visions. Street youth narratives—from personal interviews and their own writings in a local 'zine—are testimony of this diversity. I argue that for this city and society to be truly inclusive and livable, as the rhetoric claims, such voices of citizens have to be given space and validity.

The thesis analyzes policies and programs appropriate in responding to the decline of the Victory Square Concept Planning Area, which was once at the heart of Vancouver. This topic is important in light of similar situations throughout North America. Victory Square is located within the larger Downtown Eastside, whose fractious political climate may reduce the likelihood of success in future community undertakings. The thesis reviews relevant economic theory and the merits and methods of public sector intervention. Questions are raised as to how seriously the City has taken the problems of the Square area from an historical perspective, how effective its current policies are and whether the VSCPA is a legitimate planning area. A Community Economic Development approach is advocated due to the shortcomings of "traditional strategies. Vancouver's unique post-Fordist economy has encouraged the growth of the Victory Square Concept Planning Area's creative design sector, which has been accompanied by an increase in cultural and educational institutions. In order to increase retail activity, three strategies are available. Retailing is important not only for individual entrepreneurs and potential employees but because it also businesses and ancillary services, while serving the increasingly integrated production system. A larger population would include some higher-income singles, more working women and career-oriented professionals/managers with greater disposable incomes and pursuit of leisure and cultural activities. The author advocates legalization of illegal and lower-rent artists lofts, the encouragement of residential development and heritage conversion as well as limited tourism. Although heritage conservation activities are often viewed as precursors to gentrification and cost benefit evidence is non-conclusive, it can create youth employment and a diversity of social and mixed-income housing and commercial space. The main issue for heritage property developers is whether the value of a structure after rehabilitation exceeds the hard, soft and rent-up costs of acquisition, rehabilitation, operation and disposition. While increased economic activity will hopefully raise the income of all local residents, this cannot be assumed nor would such change be immediate. Effective public policy-making, partnerships and private sector initiatives should be mobilized to restore and renovate a judicious mix of heritage structures into a viable combination of mixed-residential, retailing, office and public space, while striving to maintain services and accommodation for the low-income population.

Downtown Vancouver is becoming a spectacular place. Reflecting dominant trends found in many restructuring Canadian cities, its landscape has become increasingly aestheticized, privatized, consumption-based, and regulated. Since the late-1960s, boosters have worked to strengthen Vancouver's position in the international scene by staging it as a world class city, an inviting and exciting destination. To attract desired publics, downtown has been framed as the alluring gateway, the spectacular centre, the glittering jewel of Vancouver. Making this convivial centre—which I call Happyland—has involved remaking and reimaging downtown to 'upgrade' its perceived 'decay'. Like many North American central cities in the 1960s, with the advent of suburbanization and general economic decline, downtown Vancouver's role as the major shopping and entertainment centre of 'respectable' citizens seriously waned. New landscapes took shape as into the marginalizing spaces new publics made their places and inscribed their cultures. Parts of downtown became widely stigmatized as degraded and neglected, as taken over by 'undesirables'. Thus, making Happyland has largely been about 'civilizing' downtown—involving not only dramatic redevelopment, but also heavy marketing and increased policing. I read the remaking of downtown—Robson and Granville Streets in particular—by analyzing the changing landscape, local media, City decisions, place marketing, and the voices of various actors from multiple sources, including personal interviews. While the dominant narrative celebrates an urban renaissance, I argue that downtown is being purified, whereby a tightly scripted order is being fixed in which certain people, cultures, signs are 'out of place' and subjected to increasing levels of regulation. In particular, street youth have been identified as 'pests' who 'spoil' the desired clean, ordered, happy image. I see the demonization of street youth as reflecting wider relations of power. I argue that the narrative of Happyland, the dominant public culture being fixed downtown excludes other narratives, experiences, visions. Street youth narratives—from personal interviews and their own writings in a local 'zine—are testimony of this diversity. I argue that for this city and society to be truly inclusive and livable, as the rhetoric claims, such voices of citizens have to be given space and validity. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The thesis analyzes policies and programs appropriate in responding to the decline of the Victory Square Concept Planning Area, which was once at the heart of Vancouver. This topic is important in light of similar situations throughout North America. Victory Square is located within the larger Downtown Eastside, whose fractious political climate may reduce the likelihood of success in future community undertakings. The thesis reviews relevant economic theory and the merits and methods of public sector intervention. Questions are raised as to how seriously the City has taken the problems of the Square area from an historical perspective, how effective its current policies are and whether the VSCPA is a legitimate planning area. A Community Economic Development approach is advocated due to the shortcomings of "traditional strategies. Vancouver's unique post-Fordist economy has encouraged the growth of the Victory Square Concept Planning Area's creative design sector, which has been accompanied by an increase in cultural and educational institutions. In order to increase retail activity, three strategies are available. Retailing is important not only for individual entrepreneurs and potential employees but because it also businesses and ancillary services, while serving the increasingly integrated production system. A larger population would include some higher-income singles, more working women and career-oriented professionals/managers with greater disposable incomes and pursuit of leisure and cultural activities. The author advocates legalization of illegal and lower-rent artists lofts, the encouragement of residential development and heritage conversion as well as limited tourism. Although heritage conservation activities are often viewed as precursors to gentrification and cost benefit evidence is non-conclusive, it can create youth employment and a diversity of social and mixed-income housing and commercial space. The main issue for heritage property developers is whether the value of a structure after rehabilitation exceeds the hard, soft and rent-up costs of acquisition, rehabilitation, operation and disposition. While increased economic activity will hopefully raise the income of all local residents, this cannot be assumed nor would such change be immediate. Effective public policy-making, partnerships and private sector initiatives should be mobilized to restore and renovate a judicious mix of heritage structures into a viable combination of mixed-residential, retailing, office and public space, while striving to maintain services and accommodation for the low-income population. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate