Local elections have received little attention in the literature of political science, either as an important component of city politics, or as a source of data on voting behavior. The present exploratory study, as merely one step towards redressing this situation, attempts to identify and analyze some of the political and social cleavages that underlie electoral politics in the city of Vancouver. The phenomena investigated as dependent variables include registration, turnout, ballot spoiling, non-use of votes, referenda voting, and candidate-party voting. The independent variables are the common census-derived socioeconomic characteristics of voters such as age, sex, marital status, religion, ethnicity, education level, occupation, and income. On the basis of a review of some important related studies, a simple model is proposed that sets out a theoretical relationship between these characteristics and voting behavior. The research method employed in the study is ecological analysis which, despite some inherent limitations, provides a suitable tool for the exploration of this relationship through correlation and regression techniques. A number of hypotheses are formulated from the data, but others, obtained from existing studies, have also been tested. The main findings of the present paper are twofold. Firstly, significant and generally explicable cleavages between broad socio-economic groups are revealed with respect to each of the dependent variables. Thus, for example, it is shown that each of the political parties in the city has a more or less solid base of support in voters of a particular socio-economic level. The second general conclusion, closely tied to the first, is that each of the broad groupings has a reasonably consistent and explicable pattern of behavior. Persons in the lowest socio-economic status group, for example, tend less to register and to vote, tend more to spoil ballots and leave votes unused, and tend to oppose referenda issues, as well as tending to vote for certain candidates. From the data and subsequent analysis, a typology is put forward classifying local voter orientation as being either purposive, maintaining, or protesting in nature. Finally, in part employing this typology as an explanatory mechanism, two general hypotheses are proposed which attempt to relate patterns of voting behavior firstly, to the decision-making output of Vancouver's political system and secondly, to persistence and change in the structure of the local party system. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This work presents an analysis of federal election voting choices in an industrial community. The voting choices were reported by a sample of gainfully employed residents of the community. A segment of the sample, those in unionized jobs in the industrial enterprises of the major employer, is submitted to quantitative analysis. A discussion of the significance of interest group formation and operation provides us with a theoretical basis. As industrial workers are less economically secure, are clustered into a relatively undifferentiated range of jobs, and are more isolated from the broad middle class, they will be more prone to form economic and political interest groups. One aspect of such formation is a high level of support for a worker-oriented and socialistic political party. The member of parliament for the constituency was the candidate of a party that appears to be both socialistic and worker oriented, the New Democratic Party (or NDP). Voting choices in favor of this candidate are understood in terms of our theory. They are studied by dividing our respondents by social characteristics. These social characteristics are of three kinds: general vital characteristics, (age, length of community residence, and place of birth), off-work characteristics (religious group membership and participation), and work-defined characteristics, (type of enterprise, union, and skill level). The general social characteristics are assumed to indicate access to community worker political culture. Off-work characteristics are important because they might supply individuals with social identities which override such a culture. At-work characteristics may provide issues that are quickly transformed into social identities influencing voting, given rationality, local worker culture, and the lack of overriding identities. When general and work-defined characteristics are used to study voting choices, a well-defined pattern is found. High rates of NDP support are associated with general vital characteristics that indicate higher access to community and regional political culture, and work-related characteristics that indicate "typical industrial workers" of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When the characteristics are studied in combination, complex patterns are found. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

In a representative democracy the people's representatives are expected to do what the people would do if they were present in person. To attain this ideal requires that the legislature in its composition embodies the politically relevant diversity that exists within society, and that the legislature has power to act. These two requirements are prevalent among significant theories of representation, post- Charter court rulings, and the commonly accepted expectations of the people themselves. Typically, the composition of the BC legislature is not representative; and the legislature lacks power to act. The Single Member Plurality electoral system manufactures majorities in the legislature where none exist among the people. Most voters are not represented in the legislature, and the artificial majorities give cabinet undue power. When cabinet has too much power, the concept of responsible government is subverted, MLAs lose their independence, and are beholden to their political party, instead of their constituents. Replacing the Single Member Plurality system with the Single Transferable Vote has the potential to give voters more choice, waste fewer votes, bring greater diversity into the legislature, lessen party discipline, weaken the power of the Premier and cabinet, increase the power of the legislature, restore responsible government, render government more responsive to changing public demands, reconnect government to the people, and give voters power over their representatives. Our electoral system is designed to benefit political parties - not people. Therefore, change will not likely originate with parties and party activists. It must come from the people themselves, aided perhaps by the courts.

In a representative democracy the people's representatives are expected to do what the people would do if they were present in person. To attain this ideal requires that the legislature in its composition embodies the politically relevant diversity that exists within society, and that the legislature has power to act. These two requirements are prevalent among significant theories of representation, post- Charter court rulings, and the commonly accepted expectations of the people themselves. Typically, the composition of the BC legislature is not representative; and the legislature lacks power to act. The Single Member Plurality electoral system manufactures majorities in the legislature where none exist among the people. Most voters are not represented in the legislature, and the artificial majorities give cabinet undue power. When cabinet has too much power, the concept of responsible government is subverted, MLAs lose their independence, and are beholden to their political party, instead of their constituents. Replacing the Single Member Plurality system with the Single Transferable Vote has the potential to give voters more choice, waste fewer votes, bring greater diversity into the legislature, lessen party discipline, weaken the power of the Premier and cabinet, increase the power of the legislature, restore responsible government, render government more responsive to changing public demands, reconnect government to the people, and give voters power over their representatives. Our electoral system is designed to benefit political parties - not people. Therefore, change will not likely originate with parties and party activists. It must come from the people themselves, aided perhaps by the courts. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate