This thesis has studied black politics in the City of Muncie, Indiana, in light of Imamu Baraka's concept of developing black politics. Baraka says that, of necessity, black politics is moving from a system of nominal jobs and services via a "brokerage" system toward a strong black institution with the ability to exert a black influence on the local political scene.In order to determine where Muncie fits into this notion of black politics two hypotheses were developed. First, voting patterns in three black precincts were studied to establish whether bloc voting exists there. In order to discover whether the existence of bloc voting results in black voters having impact on local politics, impact was operationalized to mean the appointment of blacks to administrative positions within the city administration and the feelings of political leaders and black community leaders toward the impact of black citizens on Muncie politics.Voting results from the 1967, 1971 and 1975 mayoral primary and general elections were studied. The particular three precincts studied were chosen because their population is more than 70 percent black.

In the modern political environment in the United States, voting is the most common form of political participation. Many individuals consider voting to be a simple process, but it is a form of political participation that requires various costs from both the individuals casting their ballot and the authority systems organizing and managing elections. In recent years new voting programs have been established to lower costs, increase voter turnout, and add flexibility to the voting process through the use of modern technology. The following research examines the new Vote Center Model of running elections being implemented in Wayne, Tippecanoe, and Cass Counties in Indiana. Elections held in 2007 and 2008 will be studied, attempting to determine the effect of the Vote Center Model on running elections when compared to the traditional Precinct Model. / Department of Political Science

This study examined gender differences in vote choice, made consequential by the recent emergence of a gender gap in support for Republican candidates. Explanations of the gender gap have included the following: 1)Self-interest explanations emphasizing women's greater dependence on social services and women's support of women's issues. 2)Socialization explanations emphasizing women's more pacifist attitudes.Data for the study came from a random sample of "Middletown." Variables in the analysis included Feminism, Social Traditionalism, the Ethic of Care, support for Child Care and support for Dukakis. In order to explore gender differences in voting behavior, analyses for vote choice were done for women and men, seperately. Path analyses of women's and men's support for Social Traditionalism, child care, and Dukakis are presented in the paper. / Department of Sociology

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the fall of 1917, between 30,000 and 40,000 Indianapolis women registered to vote. The passage of the Maston-McKinley partial suffrage bill earlier that year gave women a significantly amplified voice in the public realm. This victory was achieved by a conservative group of Hoosier suffragists and reformers. However, the women lost their right to vote in the fall of 1917 due to two Indiana Supreme Court rulings.