The changes that affected Iranian women's lives after the coming of Islam in the seventh century were similar to the changes that occurred in their lives after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. In both cases these changes were largely wrought by men. / Iranian women have been actively involved and have participated fully in diverse religious, political, and social contexts since the eighteenth century, but frequently without due acknowledgment. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the belief that education was a pillar of freedom began to gain popularity among Iranian women. The efforts of women to secure an equal place with men in the nation's educational institutions received support from a number of women writers and poets in the form of protests and petitions. It was through this process that Iranian women learned the importance of education in freeing them from patriarchal bondage. The twentieth century, however, witnessed the destruction of most of Iranian women's hopes and quests. Different Iranian governments enacted a series of important laws and regulations touching on "women's issues." Most of the time, however, these governments failed to consider the voices, positions and demands of women concerning these "issues." / In the last two decades, under the Islamic Republic, male authority figures continue to determine women's rights, identity, education, employment, and so on. Changes which affected the status of Iranian women came in the form of different religious decrees and laws that were justified by the argument that they all complied with the Quran and the hadiths. / Iranian women have refused to abandon their quests for an improved or even equal status. Among these women, there are those who still believe that equality can be achieved under the Islamic Republic. Women such as Rahnavard and Gorgi are relying on a "dynamic jurisprudence" that would lead to "Islamic justice." There are also other women who argue that in order to bring about true social justice, women's oppression and subordination in any form must be eliminated. They find such injustice ingrained in the existing culture. Women such as Kaar and Ebadi are making women and those in power aware of the need to achieve a "civil society," based on "social justice" through the process of "revealing the law." This group is hoping that a gradual cultural revolution brought about by women will lead to the establishment of "such justice."

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'Allegories of the Veil' analyses the relationship between architecture and clothing as architecture. It expands the meaning of dwelling and of dwelling places (as they have been defined and conceptualised by scholars such as Martin Heidegger and Edward Casey) from architecture to women's dress. People's awareness of space and their interaction with it are crucially mediated by where and how they dwell. Moreover, dwelling greatly influences behaviour. This study interrogates the way in which building belongs to dwelling. It conceptualises specific women's clothing (the traditional dress and the veil [chador in Farsi]) as a dwelling place that influences (limits) women's spatial awareness and movement in space. It argues that once women's clothing has shaped the behaviour and awareness of women (mirroring the organisation of social relations) it becomes like a habitus. In that sense, clothes are not only physical but also generative spaces which can be translated into social space (and vice versa). Last but not least, this study explores how the changing architectural cityscape of Iran has altered the meaning of private and public space in the country. It argues that contemporary domestic architecture in Iran has disturbed the continuity of design and architectural forms, which previously had been an inherent feature of all architectural spaces in the country, including women's clothing. These new forms disrupted the complementary relationship between the chador as an enclosed space and as an extension of the domestic sphere, as well as facilitating the fast encroachment of modernity on traditional architectural places, including the 'chādor'.

This research assessed the effect of religious orientation on experiences of Iranian women in balancing their work and family roles. Based on the proposed relationships among main variables of this study which are religiosity, gender-role ideology, work-family conflict and work-family facilitation, it was also hypothesized that gender-role ideology would mediate the relationships between religiosity and work-family conflict/facilitation. The participants of this study were 221 Iranian female employees working in the Wood and Glue Industry. The results supported some of the developed hypotheses. For instance, they showed that women with stronger religious beliefs felt the extra time spent on work responsibilities would have been better devoted to family roles. Further, the women who indicated that the role of religion is highly significant in their lives experienced less conflict between the behaviors performed at home and those performed at work. The results did not support the hypothesized mediating role of gender-role ideology. / viii, 89 leaves ; 29 cm