Refugee women face several health and well-being risks in conflict settings. Intimate partner violence (IPV), military violence, poor sexual and reproductive health (SRH), early marriage, and unemployment are some of the competing challenges that refugee women face globally. IPV has been associated with mental health problems,1–3 unwanted pregnancy, pregnancy complications, STIs, and unsafe abortion practices,4 HIV,5–8 long term disabilities, chronic pain, and increased mortality and morbidity in refugee settings.9–12 Likewise, low, inconsistent, and ineffective use of modern spacing methods (MSM) of contraceptive has been linked to unplanned pregnancies, risk of abortions and unsafe abortions, maternal, infant and child morbidity and mortality, human immunodeficiency viruses (HIV), sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and obstetric complications as well as high fertility and poverty. Similarly, low economic engagement and/or unemployment of refugee women has proven to cause significant social, economic and health cost.13 Refugee women’s health and well-being are associated with individual, interpersonal, and societal level factors such as their age, education, social norms around fertility, household size, and age at marriage, contraceptive use, decision-making agency, socio-economic conditions, access to and affordability of health services and care, and acculturation in host countries among other factors. This dissertation examines how some of these multi-level factors influence women’s IPV experiences, contraceptive use, and economic engagement in income-generating activities. The first dissertation paper examines the prevalence of lifetime IPV among a sample of 191 health-care seeking women refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with lifetime IPV. I also examine the relationship between contraceptive use and lifetime IPV. About one-third (28.30 %) of refugee women reported having experienced lifetime IPV. My hypotheses were partially supported in this study. There were significant associations between marital status, household size, contraceptive use, and food insecurity and lifetime IPV experiences in the bivariate analysis. Age, education, gender-based violence, time spent in Malaysia, and clinic were women were recruited from were not significant in the bivariate analysis. There were no associations between socio-demographic variables like age, education, household size, time spent in Malaysia and the clinic in the unadjusted as well as adjusted models. However, there were significant relationships found between marital status, contraceptive use, and food insecurity and lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted model. Widowed, separated, and divorced refugee women were significantly more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences relative to women who reported themselves as married at time of survey [OR: 2.56, 95% CI: 1.09, 6.03] compared to women did not report lifetime IPV experience in the adjusted multivariable logistic model, rejecting my hypothesis. Also, in line with my hypothesis, women who reported using permanent methods of contraceptives were significantly more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences than no contraceptive use [0R: 8.70, 95% CI: 1.95, 38.64] compared to women who did not report lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted multivariable logistic model. In line with my hypothesis, women who reported themselves as being food insecure were more likely to report lifetime IPV experiences than no food insecurity [OR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.18, 0.89] compared to women who did not report lifetime IPV experiences in the adjusted multivariable logistic model. The second dissertation paper examines the prevalence of types of MSM of contraceptive use (female controlled MSM of contraceptives such as intrauterine devices (IUDs), implants, injectables, oral contraceptives (OC); male involved MSM of contraceptives such as condoms; and no contraceptives) among a sample of 307 married Syrian refugee women in Jordan. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with MSM of contraceptive use. I also examine the relationship between early marriage and contraceptive use and the relationship between past-year IPV and contraceptive use. About two-fifth (38.44%) of women reported using female controlled MSM (IUDs, injectables, pills, and implants), a little more than one-tenth (11.73%) reported using male involved contraceptives (male condoms), and half of them (49.84%) reported using no contraceptives (includes natural methods and no forms of contraceptive methods). My hypotheses were partially supported in this study. Socio-demographic variables such as age, head of household, and reproductive health care services received in the past six months were significant in the bivariate association between socio-demographic variables and types of MSM of contraceptive use. And early marriage, education, children under the age of five, past-year IPV experience, Syrian governorate, and time in Jordan (acculturation) were not significant in the bivariate analysis. Women who were married prior to the age of 18 years were significantly more likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use at time of survey [RRR: 1.83, 95% CI: 1.07, 3.13] compared to women who were married past 18 years of age in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Women with children under the age of five were less likely to report male involved MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 0.32, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.84] compared to women with children older than five years of age in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Women who reported reproductive health care services received in the past six months were significantly more likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 2.21, 95% CI: 1.98, 3.80] compared to women who reported not receiving reproductive health care services in the past six months in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. Contrary to my hypothesis, women who reported themselves as head of household were less likely to report female controlled MSM of contraceptive use than no MSM of contraceptive use [RRR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.18, 0.89] compared to women who reported their husbands or family members as head of households in the adjusted multinomial logistic model. No associations between socio-demographic variables like age, education, past-year IPV, Syrian governorate, time spent in Jordan and MSM of contraceptive use in the adjusted multinomial logistic regression model were found. The third dissertation paper examines the prevalence of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity among a sample of 344 married Syrian refugee women living in non-camp settings in Jordan. Using Bronfenbrenner’s socio-ecological framework and integrated theory of gender and power, I examine multilevel factors associated with husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. I also examine the association between no lifetime IPV and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity and the association between head of the households and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. I further examine if the relationship between no lifetime IPV and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity is moderated by women’s agency measured by if they reported themselves as head of the household. About one-third (65.12 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. My hypothesis was partially supported in bivariate and multivariable logistical regression analysis. Age, education, previous work experience, head of the household, no lifetime IPV, and time in Jordan were significant in the bivariate analysis between multi-level/socio-demographic variables and husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. Of the less than half (44.77%) of women who did not experience lifetime IPV, more than one-third (70.8 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to those who reported lifetime IPV experience (70.78 % versus 29.22 %; P=0.05). Of the more than one-fifth (22.97 %) of women who reported themselves as head of household, more than four-fifth (83.54 %) of women reported husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to those who did not report themselves as head of the households (83.54 % versus 16.46 %; P=0.000). In line with my hypothesis, in unadjusted (OR=1.58 95% confidence interval, CI=1.00-2.48) and adjusted (aOR=1.60, 95% CI=0.98-2.563) models, not experiencing lifetime IPV were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity. Similarly, in both the unadjusted (OR=3.44 95% confidence interval, CI=1.80-6.54) and adjusted (aOR=2.65, 95% CI=1.33-5.29) models, women who reported themselves as head of the households were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity, supporting my hypothesis. Likewise, in both the unadjusted (OR=7.97 95% confidence interval, CI=2.40-26.40) and adjusted (aOR=5.82, 95% CI=1.66-20.40) models, women who reported no IPV experiences as well as who reported themselves as head of the households were associated with increased odds of husbands’ no opposition to wives’ economic activity relative to women who reported lifetime IPV experiences and who did not report themselves as the head of the households, supporting my hypothesis. Age and education were also significant in the adjusted model. These findings affirm that IPV, contraceptive use, and women’s economic engagement are serious health and well-being issues. Results fill in the literature gaps on multilevel factors associated with IPV, contraceptive use, and women’s economic engagement. The first study contributes to the literature on how contraceptive behavior, refugee women’s marital status, and food insecurity, measured as a proxy of poverty influences refugee women’s IPV experiences. The second study contributes to the literature on how marrying at an early age, having children in the households, and receiving reproductive health services influences refugee women’s contraceptive behavior. Third paper contributes to the literature on how refugee women’s lack of IPV experiences and their improved agency/household decision making power influences their economic engagement in the host country. These findings have potential to inform health, sexual and reproductive health, social norms, and economic empowerment interventions. The implications of these findings for social policy, practice, and future research for each paper are discussed in relevant sections as well as in the conclusion section.