<p> This research examines the role of the Moroccan rulers, the political administration, and the Moroccan people in shaping Moroccan cities, mainly Fez, during the nineteenth century. It studies the role of trade and the interaction of Moroccan merchants with France and England between 1830 and 1912. In this study, I offer an analysis of a group of factors that influenced the development of Fez. More specifically, I analyze the impacts of war, drought, famine, epidemics, and unrest, which culminated in a massive migration from rural regions to urban cities, Fez in particular. The death and hardship of the era resulted in social and urban changes that made Fez the center of thriving trade and building projects.</p><p> These dynamics of change and socioeconomic factors reshaped the built environment of Fez. Accordingly, this dissertation examines several social and economic layers of urban change in Fez. This study challenges the notion that cities in Morocco represented a backward culture and stagnant past. It also articulates that the importance of Morocco comes not only from its relations with Europe, but also from its own political, social, and economic ideals. </p><p> As trade flourished during this period, Fez rose to be an important stage for wealth and urban change. It played an essential role in the economy and political balance of Europe. As a result, a new class of powerful and wealthy merchants, Muslims and Jews, formed the new political elites of Fez. These merchants influenced the socio-economic and built environments of Fez and Morocco at large. In addition, the interaction of the wealthy merchants with Europe increased their wealth and political presence, which impacted Morocco and facilitated the presence of European powers in the country. As a result of this transformation, a struggle for power heightened and the gap between the wealthy and the poor widened. These consequences transformed the built environment of Fez; the wealthy built palatial residences and the poor struggled to survive in cramped spaces. </p><p> This study posits that the slow and cautious progress of Morocco suggests the good intentions of the rulers to promote progress and development in a variety of domestic sectors. In addition, the increased wealth from trade and investment in properties and the continuous building and renovation activities reveals that Morocco was a land of change, and Fez was a vibrant, productive urban center during the nineteenth century. Fez&rsquo;s production at the time is characterized by increased wealth from trade, land development, investment, and renovation.</p><p>

<p> The United States national strategy for Countering Violent Extremism is broadly written and currently does not provide the framework necessary to combat homegrown violent extremism and the foreign fighter phenomenon. The threat of foreign terrorist organizations targeting the United States through a 9/11-style attack has become overshadowed by the threat of homegrown violent extremists and lone-wolf attacks. The purpose of this thesis is to gain a comprehensive insight into how intervention is used within the context of a counter-terrorism preventative strategy. How can intervention be used to disengage radicalizing individuals whose expression of extremist ideology involves committing violent acts? Furthermore, it is anticipated that the most appropriate methods for applying such an intervention program, in the pre-criminal space, can be most successful through interagency collaboration and a Whole Community approach. Such a system leverages partnerships between local, state, and federal government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and community-driven initiatives. This paper analyzes specific case studies of socio-political landscapes, individuals who have radicalized to violent extremism, and intervention programs from Denmark, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The results of the analysis provide recommendations for implementing a nation-wide intervention program in the United States. </p>

<p> The event that scholars and Jamaicans frequently call the &ldquo;Morant Bay Rebellion&rdquo; of 1865 resulted in long-term social and political consequences which profoundly shaped the course of Jamaican history. Yet contestation concerning the name and the naming of this event by Jamaican people on the ground has received scant attention in the historiography. In contrast to previous approaches, this thesis establishes that ordinary, subaltern Jamaicans from 1865 to the present day specifically named and remembered the events in question as a <i> war</i> at the exclusion of names like &ldquo;rebellion,&rdquo; &ldquo;uprising,&rdquo; &ldquo;riot,&rdquo; and &ldquo;insurrection,&rdquo; and that (post)colonial elites, aided by conventional scholars and commentators, have omitted this history in order to (re)produce and legitimize the idea that oppression and exploitation on the basis of race are things of the past. In turn, this thesis demonstrates that perceptions of blackness and whiteness during the events of 1865 were contingent and shifting rather than reducible to racial binaries and essentialisms which corresponded simply with skin color. Paul Bogle and his allies imagined blackness as tied to anti-statist political orientations, while many contemporaries in support of the colonial state used racial identification to represent and differentiate various groupings of black people as (dis)loyal to the governing regime and its racial hierarchies. </p>

Not available / text

<p> This study focuses on the Chinese community of Manila from 1570 to 1770, revealing that the community was not an insular, ethnic enclave unified in its efforts and aspirations but one made up of different groups with varying goals. Not all Chinese saw the Spanish presence as conducive to their livelihoods but certain sectors of the community did. I argue the collaboration of these elements within the Chinese community was essential in maintaining the Spanish presence in Manila. Those whose interests most closely aligned with Spanish aims included a small group of wealthy Chinese merchants involved in supplying the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade with merchandise (mainly silk), merchants and artisans in the Chinese quarter called the Pari&aacute;n and Chinese leaders who acted as middlemen linking the needs of the regime with Southern Fujianese workers to supply the city with services, food, and labor. In return, Spaniards provided New Spanish silver, government monopolies and recognition of the authority of Chinese elites over laborers. In that way, the Spanish empire in the Asia-Pacific region was a collaborative enterprise, constructed in the cooperation of various interest groups. </p><p> When the abuses of Spanish authorities threatened the lives of those they ruled, Chinese intermediaries could not maintain their claims of mitigating the demands of the regime on behalf of Chinese workers and lost control of those under their supervision. In 1603, 1639, and 1662, Chinese laborers raised the banner of revolt. These moments of violent rupture with the colonial order indicate that mediation was crucial to preserving the Spanish presence in Manila. Coercion could put down threats to control but on its own could not hold colonial society together. </p><p> The Chinese, with others, created the ties that bound colonial society together through kinship and credit networks for mutual aid. <i>Compadrazgo </i> (coparenthood), <i>padrinazgo</i> (godparenthood), and marriage connected Chinese to colonial society and provided a means of profit, protection and recruiting labor. These links persisted into the nineteenth century and helped the Chinese shape the ecology of Manila to their purposes, albeit within the confines of Spanish sovereignty. </p><p> Sources: baptismal records, notarial books (<i>protocolos de Manila </i>), court cases.</p>

<p>It is received wisdom that Britain and France played the leading role in overseas expansion in the eighteenth century while the German lands lacked both a central political authority and colonies of their own. We know from the work of scholars such as Susanne Zantop that German intellectuals were fascinated by encounters with non-European cultures, and German genres of travel writing, popular drama, and the philosophy of history all manifest an obsession with thinking about forms of cultural difference. In many cases, such efforts are wrought with ambivalence. The German world traveler Georg Forster is torn between the passionate admiration for a paradise-like Tahiti and the judgment of Tahiti as uncivilized. August von Kotzebue, Germany's most popular playwright around 1800, wrote dramas set in the New World and other exotic locales. In his Bruder Moritz (1791, Brother Moritz), the protagonist seeks to educate the child-like Arabs at the same time as he criticizes his aunt's racial condescension as lacking empathy. In Johann Gottfried Herder's philosophy of history, sympathy for the slaves in European colonies is accompanied by a belief in European cultural superiority. In all these examples, there is more at stake than the fantasies of German colonial rule that Zantop called our attention to a decade ago. My dissertation targets precisely the equivocal nature of the German colonial imagination around 1800 and suggests a different reading strategy.</p> <p>Postcolonial scholarship has critiqued the ways in which visions of European cultural and racial superiority supported the expansion of colonialism. Recently, scholars have also foregrounded how European culture gave rise to a critique of colonial atrocity. My dissertation, however, stresses the co-existence of both Eurocentrism and the critique of colonial violence and understands this seeming contradiction as a response to the challenge from cultural and colonial difference. I identify emotion or the mode of sentimentalism as the channel through which the alleged cultural otherness questions both colonial violence and European superiority with universal claims. In my analysis, non-Europeans are not only the colonized or the oppressed but also regain their agency in co-constructing a distinct vision of global modernity. </p> <p>The dissertation concerns itself with both canonical works and popular culture. I first explore Georg Forster's highly influential travelogue Reise um die Welt (1777/1778, A Voyage Round the World), documenting the interplay between Enlightenment anthropology and the impact of South Pacific cultures. Kotzebue's cross-cultural melodramas imagine different orders of love, sexuality, and marriage and challenge the noble form of bourgeois tragedy as theorized by Friedrich Schiller. Contested by Immanuel Kant, Herder's universal history inaugurates a new logic of organizing different cultures into an organic ongoing process of historical development and, at the same time, articulates cultural relativism as a paradigm shift. My reading strategy through cultural and colonial difference unearths the pivotal roles which the impulses from the non-European world played in the construction of German culture around 1800.</p> <p>By acknowledging both Eurocentrism and anticolonial critiques in these German texts, this dissertation stresses the impact of cultural otherness on the architecture of German thought through sentimentalism and provides both historically and theoretically differentiated understandings of the German colonial imagination in the global eighteenth century.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1974.

Thesis (doctoral)--Aristoteleio Panepistēmio Thessalonikēs, 1981. / Romanized record. Includes bibliographical references (p. [7]-28).

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, September 2007.

Thesis (Ed.M.)--Boston University / The purpose of this study is to examine current world history textbooks to distinguish the points of emphasis, to examine the leading articles in professional historical publications to ascertain what broad areas have concerned the historians, and to compare the findings.