As hunter-fisher-gatherers, the lives of Mesolithic humans in Britain would have revolved, to a great extent, around the daily encounters and interactions with animals that were necessary for the provision of nutrients for survival. Traditional narratives of human-animal relations have viewed animals through an economic lens, interpreting their significance in terms of the nutritional or material resources they provided Mesolithic humans. However, more recent studies argue human-animal relations in the past should instead be considered as developing through their daily interactions and engagements with each other, in which animals have the potential to play an active role in shaping human understanding. In such narratives, animals are no longer a resource: instead, they are potential agents. This thesis uses zooarchaeological data from four Early Mesolithic faunal assemblages from Southern Britain to characterise the appearance, habits and behaviours of the species and individuals within each assemblages. These are used to consider the specific encounters humans had at each site, and the particular understandings humans formed as a result. Ultimately, if human treatment of animal remains was guided by an understanding developed through encounter and engagements, it is vital these experiences are understood. Furthermore, negotiations of relationships developed through encounters are traced through processes of hunting, killing, butchery, consumption, and deposition, exploring how these understandings and relationships are manifest in the material record.

This study analyses the faunal remains of four Iron Age sites from eastern Botswana, namely Phoenix 17, Phoenix 18, Thabadimasego and Dukwe 25. Phoenix 17, Phoenix 18 and Thabadimasego date to the 9th century AD, and Dukwe 25 to the 15th century AD. The sites are significant as they date to critical time periods during which we see shifts in the socio-political organisation, towards increasing social complexity in the 9th century AD, and the establishment of powerful states in the 15th century AD. By comparing the results of Phoenix 17, Phoenix 18, Thabadimasego and Dukwe 25, it will also be possible to examine whether these sites point to regional, chronological or socio-cultural variability. Other sites in eastern Botswana together with the sites in this study, can give broad understanding into animal exploitation patterns during these time periods, specifically the relative use, social use and exploitation of animals. Understanding animal exploitation patterns can assist researchers in exploring the impact these communities had on their environment. In particular, how they reacted and responded to diverse environments, rich in wild fauna, such as the Makgadikgadi. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Anthropology and Archaeology / MA / Unrestricted

Le6 and Le7 are Early Iron Age settlements located in north-eastern South Africa in the Kruger National Park. These two open-air sites, immediately adjacent to one another on the west bank of the Letaba River, likely date to circa 500-800 AD. The wild-dominated Le6 and Le7 faunal assemblages allow for a site-level examination of the treatment of wild species within the highly variable spectra of Early Iron Age animal use. Using previously unanalysed faunal material, this study moves beyond basic procurement interpretation to examine more than just the pure subsistence choices present at these hunting-dominated sites. Instead, new socially-focussed zooarchaeological questions are asked by coupling traditional morphological analysis with taphonomic analyses and theoretical frameworks of intensification. Through this, both the procurement and processing methods utilised at Le6 and Le7 are identified and the significance of these choices are discussed. The occupants at these sites showed an intensive preference for predominantly adult large wild mammals. These were then processed in similarly consistent manners, with explicit focus on the largest, most easily accessible muscle groups and in-bone fat sources. Among other factors, the scant evidence of cooking and signs of speed in processing suggests the majority of preparation was focussed not on immediate consumption, but possibly on secondary transport of the animal resources off these sites. Altogether, rather than traditional residential Early Iron Age sites, Le6 and Le7 are considered as repeatedly re-used, shorter-term hunting bases for intensified, and possibly specialised, large wild mammal-use a potentially new faunal use strategy and site type for the period and region. The socio-economic implications and potential drivers of these faunal choices are then considered within the broader context of the southern African Early Iron Age. The place of expanded zooarchaeological methods and theories in social archaeological questions and more emic lines of site interpretation is also introduced, here specifically presented in the context of re-exploring the role and significance of wild animals at two Early Iron Age sites. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Anthropology and Archaeology / MA / Unrestricted

This thesis aims to integrate the study of population change with the expectations of foraging models, and to test whether expectations resulting from integrating these two bodies of theory have greater predictive power than foraging models alone. To compare these models, I monitored prey age, butchery practice, and prey desirability in five prehistoric occupations of the Birch Creek rockshelters of Idaho. I modeled hunting pressure with a human population density estimate based on radiocarbon dates from Idaho archaeological sites, and modeled prey abundance with a model of historic effective moisture. Both models predicted younger prey, lower average prey desirability, and more intensive extraction of nutrients from prey when human hunting pressure is high and when prey are scarce. However, unlike the prey model, the Forager-resource Population Ecology (FPE) model predicts that similarly desirable prey with different reproductive rates should show different degrees of resilience to hunting pressure. Contrary to FPE model predictions, statistical analyses of the Birch Creek faunal materials did not indicate that human hunting pressure disproportionately stressed populations of slowly reproducing prey compared to quicker-reproducing prey. While the faunal specimens from Birch Creek provided a limited and flawed dataset, my results did not support the use of the FPE model.

Khirbet Summeily is an early Iron Age II site located northwest of Tell el-Hesi in Southern Israel. Excavations sponsored by the Cobb Institute of Archaeology have revealed a large structure with a potential ritual space dated to the Iron Age IIA (ca. 1000-980/850 B.C.E.). Recent interpretations suggest the site was integrated into a regional economic and political system and functioned as a potential administrative outpost based on the material culture and architecture recovered from the Iron Age IIA layers. This thesis presents the carbon, oxygen, and strontium isotopic analyses of intra-tooth samples from ovicaprine and cattle remains to test herd management strategies in connection to administrative and cultic provisioning activities. The animal remains are used as proxies to identify political and economic ties through herd management patterns. These results will test the hypothesis that Khirbet Summeily was an administrative outpost integrated into a larger political and/or economic network.

No description available.

No / With the advent of the Internet, research has never been more accessible by others. As such, science communication has never been more important. In particular, environmental archaeology has often been at the mercy of successfully communicating a project’s importance to others. However, conventional archaeology papers may find difficulty in selling their research to the general public and to peers. In this paper, we propose that environmental archaeology projects may be able to benefit from adapting a narrative structure when publishing material. We argue that a narrative structure is not only more interesting and more accessible to non-specialists, but it may be more effective at illustrating the importance of a project to others. Because a narrative structure relies heavily on the development of empathy between the narrator and their audience in order to develop narrative drive, so too should an archaeology paper seek to engage with and motivate its readers. In order to explore this idea, we have identified key features of the structures for both a standard archaeology paper and a narrative story. An example environmental archaeology paper was written following the identified standard conventions to serve as our basis for this investigation, before being rewritten with a narrative structure. In examining these papers side by side, we will demonstrate the benefits of narrative in archaeology for public outreach, interdisciplinary communication, and research funding. By examining the conventions of the field from an outside perspective, we hope to provide tools with which environmental archaeology can strengthen its outreach. Narrative has proven itself as a vital communication tool, from which any willing archaeologist can benefit.

Yes / Previous research on the Iron Age in Britain has argued that no fishing occurred during this period in Britain. This argument has now been complicated by large assemblages of fish bones that have been excavated from Iron Age sites in the Northern Isles. Further investigation into this issue became the focus of the author's MSc dissertation research in 2016, specifically on the recently excavated fish bone assemblages from the site of Swandro on Rousay, Orkney. Analytical methods, including stable isotope analysis and scanning electron microscopy, were applied in an attempt to determine how the fish may have been utilised at the site. Results have revealed evidence that could be interpreted as fishing activity and possible consumption by humans at Swandro. This paper disseminates and further examines these results and considers how this particular project is useful as a pilot study in the application of analytical methodologies to problematic faunal remains such as fish, and why this could be important to future zooarchaeological and environmental archaeological research.

In this dissertation, I investigate the nature of social relations on the northern Northwest Coast during the Late Middle Period (500 BC to AD 500) through the rubric of House Societies as defined by Levi-Strauss (1982). In House Societies, corporate groups hold estates and wealth that are transmitted from one generation to the next. Houses were, and still are, the fundamental organizing principle in Tsimshian society. In the 19th century, Houses were central to systems of property ownership and social ranking. The antiquity of this institution however, is not clear. In this study, I ask whether Houses existed in the past in the Prince Rupert area and if so, what implications they might have had on social and economic relations. To investigate this question, I excavated two house depressions at GbTo-77, a small village site in Prince Rupert Harbour and considered whether evidence existed for long-term investment in place, the transmission of dwellings across multiple generations, and for owned estates or resource locations. The results suggested that one house depression (house D) showed some evidence for house reconstruction and maintenance, but over a relatively short period of time, particularly in comparison to other locations across the Northwest Coast. A second house depression, however, may have been used intermittently, or for an even shorter period of time than house D; no evidence was found for continuity between occupations or long-term investment in architecture. Faunal remains from both house depressions were very small and could not be reliably used to infer differences in owned resource locations. As such, the results of this study indicate that the house depressions at GbTo-77 likely do not represent Houses. These results are significant because archaeologists have often assumed that the house depressions forming organized, rowed villages, such as GbTo-77, are the remnants of Houses or incipient Houses. I explored also how architectural, stratigraphic and faunal evidence at GbTo-77 compared with these data at four other village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour. Few other house depressions were excavated sufficiently in order to adequately compare architecture remains between villages. The comparison of faunal remains between village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour, however, showed that there may have been important differences between villages in terms of economic systems, particularly in terms of salmon abundance, when compared with other fish taxa. The most significant differences in abundance were observed within column, bulk and auger samples (equal volume samples), indicating the importance of using small mesh screens (<2.8 mm) in faunal analyses. These data suggest that villages may have exerted control over important resource locations. The extent to which this control, or ownership, might reflect differences between houses, rather than villages, is not entirely clear for the Late Middle Period villages. I also observed significant differences in terms of shellfish composition at each village site. Variability in local resources may relate primarily to the precise location of these villages within the harbour, but may also have implications for our understanding of pre-contact land tenure practices in Prince Rupert Harbour.

In this dissertation, I investigate the nature of social relations on the northern Northwest Coast during the Late Middle Period (500 BC to AD 500) through the rubric of House Societies as defined by Levi-Strauss (1982). In House Societies, corporate groups hold estates and wealth that are transmitted from one generation to the next. Houses were, and still are, the fundamental organizing principle in Tsimshian society. In the 19th century, Houses were central to systems of property ownership and social ranking. The antiquity of this institution however, is not clear. In this study, I ask whether Houses existed in the past in the Prince Rupert area and if so, what implications they might have had on social and economic relations. To investigate this question, I excavated two house depressions at GbTo-77, a small village site in Prince Rupert Harbour and considered whether evidence existed for long-term investment in place, the transmission of dwellings across multiple generations, and for owned estates or resource locations. The results suggested that one house depression (house D) showed some evidence for house reconstruction and maintenance, but over a relatively short period of time, particularly in comparison to other locations across the Northwest Coast. A second house depression, however, may have been used intermittently, or for an even shorter period of time than house D; no evidence was found for continuity between occupations or long-term investment in architecture. Faunal remains from both house depressions were very small and could not be reliably used to infer differences in owned resource locations. As such, the results of this study indicate that the house depressions at GbTo-77 likely do not represent Houses. These results are significant because archaeologists have often assumed that the house depressions forming organized, rowed villages, such as GbTo-77, are the remnants of Houses or incipient Houses. I explored also how architectural, stratigraphic and faunal evidence at GbTo-77 compared with these data at four other village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour. Few other house depressions were excavated sufficiently in order to adequately compare architecture remains between villages. The comparison of faunal remains between village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour, however, showed that there may have been important differences between villages in terms of economic systems, particularly in terms of salmon abundance, when compared with other fish taxa. The most significant differences in abundance were observed within column, bulk and auger samples (equal volume samples), indicating the importance of using small mesh screens (<2.8 mm) in faunal analyses. These data suggest that villages may have exerted control over important resource locations. The extent to which this control, or ownership, might reflect differences between houses, rather than villages, is not entirely clear for the Late Middle Period villages. I also observed significant differences in terms of shellfish composition at each village site. Variability in local resources may relate primarily to the precise location of these villages within the harbour, but may also have implications for our understanding of pre-contact land tenure practices in Prince Rupert Harbour.