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This is the first history of the Qwathi to appear. It relates all the events which have shaped the historical consciousness of the Qwathi people. The first chapter deals with the foundation of the Qwathi chiefdom by Mtshutshumbe and his followers who emigrated from EmaXesibeni to Thembuland before 1700. It also covers the development of the various Qwathi clans. The reign of Fubu which is discussed in Chapter Two was characterised by warfare. The most important of these wars was the Qwathi-Thembu war of the beginning of the nineteenth century. Its importance lies in the fact that although the Qwathi were a small chiefdom, they were able to goad the Thembu nation into war, the results of which were indecisive, hence, in subsequent years, the Thembu were always cautious in their dealings with the Qwathi. Fubu's other wars, including those of the Mfecane, are also discussed. Chapter Three deals mainly with the Qwathi-Thembu relations during the reign of Dalasile, Fubu's son. These were at first cordial but they became strained when Ngangelizwe took over as Thembu king in 1863. Dalasile refused to involve the Qwathi people in Thembu conflicts with their enemies and he desired to pursue an independent line. In 1875, when Ngangelizwe accepted colonial control, Dalasile stood out against it but, under pressure from the agents of colonialism, he gave in. The period from 1875 to 1880 was one of passive resistence to colonial control. This erupted into Dalasile's rebellion against the colony from 1880 to 1881. Chapter Six deals with the surrender, relocation and the introduction of a new system of control called the "Ward System". The ruling house was replaced by appointed headmen most of whom were drawn from non-Qwathi communities. Chapter Seven deals with the rise and Fall of the Qwathi peasantry. The fall of the peasantry facilitated labour migracy which contributed to further deterioration of the Qwathi both economically and physically.

From conclusion: This study has had a twofold objective, to present ethnographic data on a people who belong to the Xhosa tribal cluster and more specifically, to throw light on aspects of the ancestor cult among the Xhosa. In particular an attempt has been made to explore the nature of the interrelation between the social structure and the ancestor cult. Attention has been focussed on the lineage as an institution, on the rituals devoted to the ancestors and on the means of explaining misfortune. Though the Ndlambe, in common with other groups of indigenous people in the Eastern Cape, have been experiencing developments brought about by social change during the better part of two centuries, the recent implementation of the Betterment Scheme has resulted in drastic demographic changes. The former settlement pattern of scattered homesteads has given way before village formation. Beyond the fact that it has resulted in the closer proximity of homesteads, with the opportunities for cooperation and conflict that this situation implies, nothing is known of the direct organizational influence of this development. More…

The boundaries of the territory occupied by the Xhosa fluctuated considerably, but in the period 1700-1835 they did not often extend west of the Sundays River, or east of the Mbashe River, along the coastal strip which separates the escarpment of South Africa's inland plateau from the Indian Ocean. It is an area of temperate grassland, permitting the cultivation of cereals and light crops, such as maize, millet, tobacco and pumpkins but better suited to stock-farming than intensive agriculture.

This thesis has two aims. In Part I the aim is to present some unpublished field material on Gusii kinship, particularly on domestic relations between the generations and the sexes. In Part II the aim is to clarify a theoretical model of 'relation by kinship', and of ' kinship categories" and 'classificntion', based on an examination of the ways in which Gusii use kinship terms. Intro., p. 1.

This study is an exploration of the making of Xhosa historiography from the end of the eighteenth century to the close of the nineteenth century. Continuity and change are key features that are identifiable in the writing of Xhosa history over the period. Selected documents provide evidence on how different writers built on the works of their predecessors. At the same time, over a period of hundred years, due to changing socio-political contexts, new ideas and perceptions crept into Xhosa history. European writers, who dominated the writing of Xhosa history, were made up of colonial officials, missionaries, and travellers. Sharing a common European Christian background these writers brought along their particular understanding of history, and held assumptions about the indigenous people and their past. However such assumptions were always in a state of flux. South-east Africans were also major contributors to the making of Xhosa history. Their oral traditions were important sources from which Xhosa history was produced. The African and European encounter in the making of Xhosa history meanHhat historioracy and historiography came together in the production of Xhosa history. At the end of the eighteenth century there were a handful of European travellers who explored the interior of southern Africa and recorded their observations of indigenous communities. These observations of south-east Africans, whom they divided into three racial groups, formed the basis of later writings about the indigenous communiti~s. The beginning of the nineteenth century brought the establishment of British rule at the C,ppe. This introduced new players into the African-European drama that was being acted out on the frontier. Colonial officials set out to inform themselves about the indigenous people, and this meant writing up their history. From the 1820s missionaries were a main source of information on amaXhosa. Xhosa history produced under the missionary influence included works by African converts, among whom Noyi was the most noteworthy. As British imperialism gained ground from the middle of the nineteenth century, history was increasingly used by British officials as a tool to justify their colonial expansion. Under Governor Grey there was a deliberate production of a Xhosa history that depicted amaXhosa as having a barbaric past and in need of civilisation. Theal who consulted Dutch and British archives as well as oral tradition made a major contribution to the writing of Xhosa history. But Theal later began to select evidence to show that amaXhosa were recent immigrants into southeast Africa. During the last quarter ofthe nineteenth century a band of literate Africans, using newspapers like Isigidimi and later Imvo Zabantsundu, embarked on writing African history. This study highlights the development of certain themes in Xhosa history, themes which remained central in later years. The royal theme became pivotal and in the process displaced other histories in African communities, like clan histories. This study has also traced the roots of some historical myths. For example claims by early travellers about an empty land fed into the migration theme which sought to explain amaXhosa as recent immigrants into south-east Africa. Xhosa historiography, just like its European counterpart, marginalised ordinary people, especially women, and became primarily an account of the lives and activities of ruling men.

Transcultural studies of psychological states may be seen as falling within two schools, one adopting a position in which universal criteria of "mental health" are assumed, the other a cultural relativist position in which phenomena are understood in terms of the context in which they occur. The present study, in adopting the latter position, examines categories of experience amongst the Xhosa in terms of their meaning within Xhosa cosmology. The thoughts and practices of a Xhosa Iqgira (diviner) were extensively examined using an idiographic approach. This was corroborated by in-depth interviews with his consultees who were undergoing the categories being studied. Three categories, thwasa, phambana and amafufunyana are explicated. Thwasa is seen to be related to the individual- shade communion. Phambana is predominantly related to custom and witchcraft. Amafufunyana is related to disharmonious interpersonal situations within the community. The universalist position, derived from descriptive psychiatry, has often viewed the mental status of amaqgira {diviners) as neurotic or even psychotic. This finding is not supported in the present study. The implications of the research for community mental health in Southern Africa are discussed.

The thesis deals with the Kikuyu tribes of East Africa, their early history, ethnography and relationships with Europeans to 1910. Kikuyu society is described as in flux resulting from its migration to a new habitat from Shungwaya. Peripheral areas of the habitat were stressed by the proximity of the Masai, Arab and Swahili traders, European explorers, armed traders, officials of the Imperial British East Africa Company and latterly officers, civil and military, of the Protectorate Administration. Masai proximity forced the Kikuyu into a defensive posture and conditioned their attitudes with respect to the intrusion of others. Evidence presented suggests that Kikuyu were initially hospitable to coastal traders. By the l8T0's, however, Kikuyu were reluctant to allow free passage of Arab and Swahili caravans. Hostility had been engendered by Arab and Swahili propensities for raiding Kikuyu mashamba for food and departing the area without making restitution. European attitudes toward the Kikuyu were influenced by rumours of Kikuyu ferocity deliberately spread by coastal and Wakamba traders. Early explorers were prepared to "fight every inch of the way" across the Kikuyu habitat. European apprehension coupled with Kikuyu suspicion featured prominently in the early contact period. These attitudes and the occasional violent clashes were conditioning factors in the subsequent, more extensive, relationships between Kikuyu and Europeans. Kikuyu ethnography is examined and reveals tribal society as being acephalous and egalitarian. Power resided in the hands of elders who assumed authority after successfully negotiating a scale of ascendancy incorporated in the rites du passage. Provision was made within the system for young men to rise to positions of eminence and to be hurried along the road to seniority. Known as athamaki, they were in no sense chiefs. Because military affairs played a large part in Kikuyu life—the threat of the Masai, the behaviour of Arab and Swahili traders, the intrusions of European travellers, armed traders, IBEA Co. men and the Protectorate Administration— athamaki of military ability swiftly rose to prominence. Lugard's attempts to establish the Imperial British East Africa Company are dealt with at some length. Company failure to establish itself successfully in Kikuyuland is iseen as being due to manifold factors; under financing, poor communications, lack of control over African levies, poor leadership and recognition by the Kikuyu of the Company's intention to settle the area permanently. Hostility against the Company was greatly exacerbated by the use of Masai and Kikuyu armed levies for raiding, and the death of Waiyaki, a Kikuyu athamaki of local eminence. 1895 saw the end of Company hegemony and its replacement by imperial authority. The effects on the Kikuyu tribes by armed traders are analyzed. John Boyes, described by himself as "King of the WaKikuyu", Gibbons and others, are seen as dacoits who affected to some considerable degree the attitudes and disposition of Kikuyu with whom they came into contact. As with the Company, divide and rule tactics were practised and armed traders allied themselves with athamaki collaborators against other Kikuyu opposed to the European presence. Though the armed traders profoundly disturbed the Kikuyu between 1895 and 1900, the Protectorate Administration was powerless to prevent their activities. Conquest of the Kikuyu tribes was two-phased. The first phase (1895-1902) is referred to as a "holding" exercise. During the period•obvious preparations were made to tighten the administrative net on Kikuyuland. The armed traders were arrested and deported. Masai were beginning to be contained in areas away from Kikuyuland. Roads began to radiate north into the Kikuyu interior from the new administrative centre of Nairobi. Ukamba Province was split and Kikuyuland became Kenia Province. The critical problem of the Mombasa-Lake Victoria railway traversing the Kikuyu habitat was solved. The Protectorate Administration possessed an elite cadre of Kikuyu collaborators on whom they relied to render aid in the subjugation of other Kikuyu. A re-organization of military forces was taking place and by 1902 the Protectorate Administration was in a strong position to make a concerted effort to dislodge and defeat the remaining pockets of Kikuyu opposition. The second phase of the Kikuyu conquest is seen as a "military" exercise: it lasted roughly eight years (1902-1910). Subjugation of the Kikuyu, founded on a policy of mounting strong punitive expeditions, was barbaric and excesses were common. "Overkill" was substituted for the traditional military tactic of skirmishing. "On the spot" decision-making was more the rule than the exception. Contrary to the expressed intention of senior officials, punitive expeditions, led by junior military officers and supported by consenting junior civil officers, inflicted large numbers of casualties,' burnt huts, destroyed crops, and crippled the Kikuyu economy by confiscating thousands of cattle and goats. Both junior officers and Commissioner Eliot himself falsified casualty figures; thus giving London a wrong impression of events. By 1910, after sustained military action, Kikuyu resistance was eliminated. The thesis concludes that Kikuyu athamaki rose to prominence in the military atmosphere of the colonial enterprise. As collaborators athamaki became the prime agents of change in the transitory process from tribalism to colonial administration. They heralded a powerful and sustained disruption of tribal society and speeded the processes of change. The imperial order, ever watchful for means to achieve its objectives at minimum expense, used athamaki for its unique purposes. Conversely, athamaki used the Protectorate Administration to realize their own ambitions. Alliances between athamaki and Europeans were reciprocal in both construction and purpose. There existed a dual realization that one element could not proceed without the concurrence or aid of the other. Some initiatives thus remained in Kikuyu hands within the colonial order. Collaborating athamaki became junior partners in the colonial enterprise—and prospered accordingly. European penetration radically- affected Kikuyu society. Stressed by the intrusions of Arabs, Swahili and Masai and the effects of migration, Kikuyu society was further influenced by the European presence. The European impact opened up serious rifts in Kikuyu society, disturbed traditional rankings of dominance and hierarchy, and sharpened already existing cracks in the tribal socio-political firmament. Kikuyu resistance was weakened by the use of athamaki and finally smashed by superior military forces. The thesis concludes with the suggestion that Professor T.O. Ranger's hypothesis on connexions between primary resistance movements and modern mass nationalism, may, in the Kikuyu case, have some basis in truth. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Bibliography: p. 67-72. / The Cape Thirstland (comprising modern Namaqualand, Bushmanland, the Karoo, Gordonia and Griqualand West) became, from the beginning of the influx of herding and cultivating peoples into South Africa, an area of retreat - not only for San hunters and gatherers but later for disgruntled Khoi/Coloureds and Bantu-speakers. As population pressure grew, so the search for unoccupied land became more urgent, and even the most arid part of the country became coveted. What the first chapter of this essay attempts to show is how the San were caught up in the general competition for land, which seems to have shaped so much of South Africa's history, and how they dealt with the threat to their independence.

Bibliography: p. 202-208. / Until recently research concerned with Khoikhoi in the nineteenth century tended to focus on the important labour legislation, especially on the labour law of 1809, the child apprenticeship law of 1812, and Ordinance 50 of 1828. Now the trend is to look at the available documents for this as for earlier periods, with an eye to discover as much as possible about the Khoikhoi themselves, particularly the ways in which they responded to threats or challenges and interacted with other groups. The study which follows is devoted to the occupations which they entered into either by virtue of their native skills and aptitudes or the new opportunities which came their way. It was intended to carry this study through to mid-century but it became clear that the subject was too large for a thesis for the master's degree. Contrary to expectation material regarding occupations, though it has been necessary to piece it together from a myriad tiny fragments, is wide-ranging and plentiful. Therefore this thesis has been limited to the period prior to the labour law of l November 1809 since it is not possible to pass this milestone in legislation pertaining to the Khoikhoi without a lengthy analysis of the existing body of work. There is, possibly, even more to be said about the apprenticeship law of 1812 and subsequent regulations, while analysis of the 50th Ordinance in the context of Khoikhoi and their occupations is an enormous task.