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This research aimed to investigate Alberta science teachers beliefs about what counts most as science education. By implicating teachers beliefs in discussions about the science curriculum-as-planned by program developers and the science curriculum-as- lived in the classroom, factors influencing how Albertas science programs are interpreted and enacted in classrooms were revealed and explored. The results of this study suggest teachers beliefs are influenced by contextual factors such as school setting, teaching experience, the nature of the courses taught, and departmental examinations. Functioning as key referents, these factors were found to influence not only what science teachers believe is most important, but also what teachers reported they emphasize most in their classrooms. When examined more closely, the key referents also offered an explanation as to why teachers beliefs are often not enacted in their classrooms, thus clarifying tensionalities they experience between the curriculum as they perceive it and the curriculum as they live it.

This study presents a reliable and economic model for achieving an accurate Knife River Flint identification, utilizing a macroscopic, microscopic and ultra-violet methodology supported by an experimental protocol. Correct identification of Knife River Flint is essential for understanding of trade and acquisition strategies involving stone tools in the Northern Plains. The identification model is applied to archaeological sites from three ecozones of southern Alberta, all dating to the Late Precontact Period. Knife River Flint decreases in size and quantity the further north the sites are found. However, the quantity of Knife River Flint from this time period is very low so that no firm conclusions about acquisition strategies or trade patterns can be established as yet.

This dissertation argues that the Alberta Progressive Conservative organization constructed a rural political monopoly that facilitated a general provincial political monopoly. It will argue that rural Alberta was vital for the rise of the Progressive Conservatives and accounted for much of its success over the subsequent twenty-five years. The argument also challenges the theories of ‘responsible party government’ that have traditionally explained the perpetuation of the quasi-party system and tradition of one-party dominance in Alberta. It argues that a more comparative approach, specifically the thesis of democratic quality, be integrated into this field of study. The employment of democratic quality biases and the consolidation of economic power in rural Alberta contributed heavily to Conservative political success between 1971 and 1996. Over this period, the Conservatives perpetuated a system of electoral malapportionment that overrepresented rural constituencies and underrepresented urban ridings. At the same time the Conservatives actively challenged independent rural/agrarian civil society organizations and any policy contrary to the party’s political interests. Alberta’s once considerable independent rural and agrarian lobby is today predominantly mediated by their position within or in relation to the Progressive Conservative Association. The decline of general farm organizations (GFOs) and agrarian civil society organizations, facilitated in part by government complicity and a changing agricultural economy, resulted in a ‘political monopoly’ in rural areas. During this period malapportionment underpinned a general political monopoly with rural overrepresentation shoring up collapses of urban support (i.e. Edmonton) in the 1980s and 1990s. This work will provide evidence of participation, competition and other democratic quality biases through a construction of this theoretical framework in terms of a broader comparative perspective based on the evaluation of ‘democratic quality’.

This dissertation argues that the Alberta Progressive Conservative organization constructed a rural political monopoly that facilitated a general provincial political monopoly. It will argue that rural Alberta was vital for the rise of the Progressive Conservatives and accounted for much of its success over the subsequent twenty-five years. The argument also challenges the theories of ‘responsible party government’ that have traditionally explained the perpetuation of the quasi-party system and tradition of one-party dominance in Alberta. It argues that a more comparative approach, specifically the thesis of democratic quality, be integrated into this field of study. The employment of democratic quality biases and the consolidation of economic power in rural Alberta contributed heavily to Conservative political success between 1971 and 1996. Over this period, the Conservatives perpetuated a system of electoral malapportionment that overrepresented rural constituencies and underrepresented urban ridings. At the same time the Conservatives actively challenged independent rural/agrarian civil society organizations and any policy contrary to the party’s political interests. Alberta’s once considerable independent rural and agrarian lobby is today predominantly mediated by their position within or in relation to the Progressive Conservative Association. The decline of general farm organizations (GFOs) and agrarian civil society organizations, facilitated in part by government complicity and a changing agricultural economy, resulted in a ‘political monopoly’ in rural areas. During this period malapportionment underpinned a general political monopoly with rural overrepresentation shoring up collapses of urban support (i.e. Edmonton) in the 1980s and 1990s. This work will provide evidence of participation, competition and other democratic quality biases through a construction of this theoretical framework in terms of a broader comparative perspective based on the evaluation of ‘democratic quality’.

This study represents an analysis of serological and risk factor data collected previously in Alberta, Canada, involving neosporosis in beef and dairy cattle. The causative agent of neosporosis, Neospora caninum (NC), is a single-celled, apicomplexan protozoan parasite in which domesticated dogs have been identified as the definitive host. The primary economic impact involves beef and dairy cattle due to associated abortions and neonatal mortality. The data used in this study were collected for cattle in both dairy and beef herds in an identical manner permitting a direct comparison of host-, herd-, and environmental risk factors for neosporosis among beef and dairy cattle using descriptive statistical methods and the construction of multivariable models. The outcome assessed in the multivariable models was cow-level seropositivity for antibodies to N. caninum. Individual-level fixed, herd-level fixed, and random effects were evaluated with respect to the outcome. In the final multivariable models, there were few statistically significant potential risk factors identified. In the beef multivariable model, the significant explanatory factors were related to acreage of farm, site of calving, and pH of soil. Among the potential risk factors identified in the three multivariable models it appeared seropositivity to NC among beef cattle is more related to environmental conditions; on the other hand, it seems that seropositivity to NC in dairy cattle pertains to associated management factors. In the future, longitudinal studies are needed to explore the validity of the current knowledge regarding N. caninum by investigating potential risk factors that have been identified due to the fact that crosssectional studies can not prove association.

No description available.

Vertical wind shear is computed between the 28 possible pairs of the first 8 mandatory radiosonde levels. A hail severity index is defined. Statistically significant correlations between strong shear and hail-free days are found in 11 shear layers. Strong shears are also found to occur more frequently with low and high severity indices than with intermediate severity indices. [...]

The broad scope and intent of this thesis is to contribute to the body of research and writing about the loss of agricultural land due to development and the transformation of rural agricultural communities. At the more specific level, through interviews and secondary research, this thesis considers municipal land use planning in Alberta under the revised 1995 Municipal Government Act in the Municipal District (MD) of Pincher Creek No. 9, where cattle ranching, wildlife, and now, acreages vie for land resources. The critical questions addressed are: What are the conflicts between ranching and habitat conservation, and conversely, what opportunities do they share? What role can and does a municipality play in promoting sustainable ranching and conservation through its land use policy and jurisdiction? Set in southwest corner of Alberta, the MD of Pincher Creek is endowed with a remarkable history of ranching, ample resource wealth, and a unique climate and topography that supports a spectacular, rich, diverse ecosystem. Within the past few years, private agricultural land near Waterton Lakes National Park and the Castle River wilderness in the MD has come under speculative and development pressure predominantly for country residences, often retirement homes, and for tourism interests. Recent Municipal Act amendments have delegated substantially more land use control to rural municipalities, as a result the MD of Pincher Creek has more authority to make decisions that shape its future community profile, to mediate between competing land use interests, and to impact local ranching and habitat. The thesis analysis explores how the best practices of ranching or "sustainable ranching" can help to conserve and enhance habitat and how ranchers' attitudes can evolve to be more tolerant of wildlife. This thesis also explores and supports the efforts of a budding local land trust, SALTS, which plans to protect local agricultural land and habitat through conservation easements. Finally, the thesis concludes by envisioning ways the MD government can encourage habitat preservation, conservation easements, sustainable and economically viable ranching, as well as the control and direction of country residential development, all with a view to ensuring that future economic development opportunities remain available for local residents.

This thesis is a comparative case study of welfare reform in Alberta and British Columbia in the 1990s. It explores the predominant pressures on the social assistance systems emanating from the provincial, national and international arenas. It further identifies and compares the policy response of each province to these pressures and the consequences of the reforms for the respective governments and social assistance communities. Lastly, it attempts to account for the major similarities and differences between the two reformed welfare policies. This thesis argues that while Alberta's and British Columbia's welfare reforms share a number of notable similarities, they reflect fundamentally different models of welfare provision: Alberta's reforms follow a market-enforcement model while British Columbia's approximate a market-performance model. The similarities between the two policies are best accounted for as reactions to parallel pressures on the two welfare programs, specifically, rising welfare caseloads and program costs as well as the changing debate around the merits of government social assistance programs. Conversely, the differences between the two policies reflect the salience of distinctive pressures on each welfare system. In Alberta reform was driven by the influence of Alberta Family and Social Services Minister Mike Cardinal and the example of American welfare reforms while in BC the reforms were initiated on account of federal policy transformations and public perceptions of fraud. Finally, this thesis suggests that the specific models of welfare provision chosen in each case reflect the influence of each provinces' unique political context. The political ideology of the governing party in both provinces was a significant factor in determining the orientation of the reformed welfare policy. In Alberta the adoption of a market-enforcement model was further facilitated by the province's longstanding political culture while in British Columbia the influence of interest groups contributed to the creation of a social assistance policy closely resembling a market-performance model.