The aim of this thesis is to present an alternative theory of phonology. The proposed theory is modelled after Montague's theory of syntax and semantics. The theory differs from standard generative theories of phonology in that it is non-transformational in character. The phonological component of a language consists of two types of rules: (i) rules of the phonological syntax and (ii) rules of phonetic interpretation. The phonological syntax consists of a set of phonotactic rules which are similar in form to Montague's rules of functional application. The phonemes of a language constitute the set of basic expressions for the phonological syntax. Phonological constituents are associated with category labels, and the phonotactic rules specify how constituents of the appropriate categories may be combined to form well-formed phonological strings. The rules of phonetic interpretation apply in conjunction with the phonotactic rules in the same way that Montague's rules of semantic interpretation apply in conjuction with his syntactic rules. The rules of phonetic interpretation apply as phonemes (or strings of phonemes) are combined to form larger expressions. These rules specify how the phonetic representation of a phonemic string is to be derived from the phonetic representations of the combined constituents. Some of the arguments which have been presented in the literature regarding the important role which the suprasegmental organization of phonological strings plays in phonological descriptions are discussed. The organization of segments into syllables and larger constituents is important for describing segmental alternations as well as stress and relative prominence. A categorial theory of phonology is introduced in which the hierarchical organization of strings into suprasegmental constituents follows from the compositional nature of the theory. The hierarchical structures (analysis trees) which are "associated" with phonemic strings represent the way in which constituents were combined to derive the string. There are no syllabification rules or metrical structure rules which apply to segmental strings. The fact that segmental rules apparently apply within restricted domains is seen as a consequence of the fact that the rules of phonetic interpretation apply in conjunction with the rules of the phonological syntax. Throughout the dissertation, the proposed theory is compared to alternative theories which have attempted to constrain standard generative phonolgy. It is shown that the proposed theory is inherently very restrictive and that constraints on the class of possible rules as well as the interaction of rules follow from fundamental properties of the theory. There is a discussion of markedness, morphophonemic alternations and the nature of lexical representations in Categorial phonology. It is shown that the effects of the Markedness Constraint which was proposed by Houlihan and Iverson (1979) follow from basic properties of the proposed theory. It is not necessary to place any additional constraints on the proposed theory since it predicts that certain classes of phonological rules will not be found in natural languages. Stress and segmental alternations in English are discussed in detail. The analyses further illustrate how restrictive the proposed theory is. It is shown that the categorial theory, though more constrained than standard generative phonology, is still capable of capturing significant generalizations and that in fact there are independent reasons for preferring the proposed analyses. In the conclusion, there is a summary of the overall structure of the proposed theory and a discussion of some of the predictions made by the theory. There is also a brief discussion of the interaction of the syntactic and phonological components at the phrase level.

This work is intended as an inquiry into the nature of predication in natural languages. The theory of properties and predication built into Montague semantics is based on Russell's theory of types and a possible world approach to intensionality. It is argued that any theory so conceived turns out to be inadequate for the analysis of linguistic facts related to nominalization. An alternative theory inspired by work on second order logic by Cocchiarella is developed. Such a theory tries to make precise Frege's insight that properties have two modes of being: as predicable structures properties are intrinsically unsaturated (something like propositional functions); such structures are, however, systematically correlated to individuals (actions, kinds, etc.). Nominalized predicates purport to refer to individual correlates of propositional functions. This semantic model of predication (SMP) is built into a Montague-style categorial grammar and argued to provide several results. In the first place, it embodies constraints on possible typs of natural language meanings that rule out a number of a priori conceivable and yet unattested grammatical processes. It also sheds light on various distributional paradigms of English predicative expressions. In particular, the distribution of PRO (the null subject of infinitives postulated within the transformational tradition) is shown to be deducible from SMP. Our account is crucially based on the hypothesis that infinitives and gerunds are not clausal or propositional constructions and tries to provide support for such an hypothesis, also drawing from analyses of various anaphoric phenomena. If infinitives and gerunds do not have a propositional nature, a new account of control is called for. Control is argued to be an entailment licensed by a certain class of predicates. A general characterization of such entailments is offered in the form of a meaning postulate. It is furthermore argued, following an idea of Williams, that semantic predication is encoded in the syntax as some sort of coindexing between subjects and predicates. This device interacts with the notion of semantic function-argument structure to provide elements of a theory of binding not based on phrase structural configurations.

This thesis examines some issues of English phonology and of Lexical Phonology. The way rules interact with the principles of the theory to produce different outputs at different points in the grammar is investigated. The syndrome of properties associated with the lexical/postlexical rules is questioned. The syndrome is shown to hold only of the first level and is redefined. I show that differences arise due to the freer application of the rules as they move out of the level 1 phonology when restriction by the theoretical principles is relaxed. In particular, it is shown the Structure Preservation does not govern the derivation after level 1. The interaction of this principle with underspecification and the Obligatory Contour principle is considered in discussion of some segmental phenomena: Nasal Assimilation, s voicing, the distribution of /n/ and of geminates, Spirantization and the inflectional allomophy. The same principles are shown to govern syllabification. The distinction between possible syllable-coda types found morpheme internally, and those found at word-edges, is shown to follow from the interaction of a coda condition with Structure Preservation. Thus syllabification rules apply differently at the separate levels. The restriction of Vowel Shortening to level 1 follows again without stipulation. Further, it is claimed that a word-cycle exists at level 2 prior to any affixation. This enables a description of a series of problematic word-edge phenomena. A series of prosodically similar rules are considered: Flapping, h deletion, the distribution of yuw, O voicing, Palatalization, and Trisyllabic Laxing. It is claimed that all are syllable conditioned rules fed by a rule of Resyllabification in the foot environment. The cyclic rule of Resyllabification ensures the correct results in interaction again with Structure Preservation.

The goal of this dissertation is to examine the nature of the syllable as a prosodic constituent. Within the framework of Prosodic Theory and Lexical Phonology, theory-internal considerations and a variety of empirical arguments converge on a conception of syllabification as continuous template matching governed by syllable wellformedness conditions and a directional parameter. Chapter I introduces the principles of Prosodic Licensing, Locality, and Directionality and discusses their implications for Syllable Theory. In order to be compatible with these prosodic principles and to avoid duplicating their effects, it is argued that the theory must define syllables by templates and other wellformedness conditions and not by syllable-building rules. Chapter II deals with locality problems in Syllable Theory and examines cases where the principle requiring local determination of prosodic wellformedness appears violated. It is shown that the nonlinear theory of geminates allows a local and explanatory analysis of the phenomena if language-specific aspects of syllabification are expressed as wellformedness conditions on representations. Chapter III argues that syllable mapping must be identified with the universal association mechanism, triggered by the principle of Prosodic Licensing (requiring all phonological units to belong to higher prosodic structure). Our hypothesis is that syllable mapping takes place continuously throughout the phonological derivation. Since the output of every cycle must be prosodically licensed, end-of-cycle Stray Erasure eliminates all unlicensed material. Chapter IV discusses certain operations performed on stray segments, comparing different approaches to stray epenthesis. It is argued that a nonredundant and explanatory account is only possible if epenthesis is understood as a syllable mapping operation. Chapter V argues that as a parameter available in Prosodic Phonology, directionality plays an important role in Syllable Theory. It is shown that directional syllable mapping correctly predicts the insertion sites in complex systems of epenthesis.

The main purpose of this thesis is to show that the structural relation "government" holds between a verbal head and its subject at the level of Logical Form (LF) in both Japanese and English. We first offer an analysis of complex predicate constructions in Japanese. This analysis allows us to incorporate insights obtained by transformational approaches to these constructions (Kuroda (1965), Kuno (1973), Shibatani (1973), etc.) while at the same time adhering to the spirit of the Lexicalist Hypothesis (Chomsky (1970)) and Government and Binding Theory (Chomsky (1981)). In particular, we will propose that the complex predicates in Japanese (e.g., Verb + sase (CAUSE)) are morphologically derived in the lexicon by means of affixation (Farmer (1980) and Miyagawa (1980), etc.), but do involve complementation at the level of Logical Form--as a result of "Affix Raising". Extending the Affix Raising Analysis, we then offer an account of phrase structure in Japanese and English. In particular, we will propose that the subject of a sentence in Japanese is base-generated under the sentence (=I('Max)) node headed by a complex predicate consisting of (normally) a verb and a tense affix, but ends up being located within the projection of a verb due to the raising of the tense affix at LF. The subject in English, on the other hand, will be proposed to be normally base-generated within the projection of a verb (=V('max)), but to be later brought out of the verbal projection and placed under a sentence, leaving a trace behind within the verbal projection. In the final part, we will develop a theory of binding in which the V('max)-internal subject at LF is analyzed to behave as a possible binder of anaphors and pronominals. Adopting the dichotomy of lexical and non-lexical Case proposed by Chomsky (1981) and Saito (1985), we will conclude that Principles A and B of the Binding Theory require that, at LF, anaphors must be bound and pronominals must be free within the projection of, i.e., within the government domain of, their lexical Case assigner.

This work investigates issues concerning the internal structure of melody elements and the proper treatment of melody association in reduplication within the framework of multitiered nonlinear phonology. The unifying idea is that multitiered representations not only increase the possibilities of multiple linking, but also extend the range and empirical coverage of general principles of phonologic theory (the Obligatory Contour Principle, the principle of Tier Conflation, and the Geminate Constraint). Chapter I discusses questions regarding the microstructure of melody elements. It is argued that if the feature contents of segments is universally represented on a number of separate tiers, which are each governed by the OCP, it becomes possible to give a simple and explanatory account of complex morpheme structure constraints and certain types of harmony processes. A parametrized theory of tier structure is developed which crucially posits dependency relations between tiers. In chapter II, the theory of dependent tier ordering proposed in chapter I is extended on the basis of a detailed investigation of the root structure constraints found in the Western Austronesian language Javanese. Attention is paid to the empirical status of the Javanese root constraints, and statistical tools are employed to show the validity of the generalizations. Chapter III turns to the theory of reduplication and focuses on the proper treatment of melody association in reduplication. Building on earlier nonconcatenative approaches to reduplication, it is claimed that reduplicative templates are skeletal morphemes simultaneous with the root skeleton. The melody units are therefore multiply associated with two simultaneous skeleta which are linearized by the principle of Tier Conflation. This theory offers a natural account for many of the special characteristics of reduplicative constructions and their hitherto problematic interaction with phonological rules.

It has long been noted that propositional attitudes often involve a special mode of reference to oneself. The sentence (i) "John thinks he won the raffle" implies something different from (ii) "John thinks that the person who holds ticket number 43 won the raffle", even if John is in fact the holder of that ticket. If John has forgotten his number, (ii) might hold without (i) holding. Sentence (i) implies that John thinks "I myself won," and the "first person" or "self-ascriptive" quality of such propositional attitudes is not captured in most model theoretic approaches to semantics. It has also long been noted that many property and relation expressions are used with implicit or surpressed argument positions, and that such expressions are interpreted perspectivally, i.e. relative to a point of view. These two phenomena interact, with the result that self-ascription is more pervasive in the language than is usually recognized. The sentence (iii) "John thinks that restaurant is around the corner" has a prominent interpretation according to which John thinks--in the special self-ascriptive way--"the restaurant is around the corner from here (from where I am now)". In the first chapter, self-ascription and perspectivity are explored, with attention to the ambiguities that arise from them. In the second chapter, an analysis of self-ascription is developed within the framework of situational semantics. It is proposed that there be assignments in parallel of two propositional contents to every propositional attitude. This elaboration in the semantics is shown to account for a wide range of complex cases, and to work recursively for multiply embedded propositional attitudes. Here an argument is offered that the restrictions on pronoun interpretation are grounded in variable binding and complex property formation rather than sameness and difference of reference. The third chapter explores the polyadicity issues raised by implicit arguments and point of view. An important claim of this section is that thematic relations should be incorporated into a formal semantics approach. Finally, the fourth chapter brings all the proposals together into a formal fragment.

The main concern of the present thesis is the nature of constructions which involve WH-phrases in natural language, mostly in Japanese and English. We will address the two questions about this type of construction: (i) What is the nature of the locality principle that governs the syntax and semantic interpretation of constructions involving WH-phrases? (ii) What is the quantificational force of the WH-phrase? We will develop an analysis of WH-constructions in Japanese, where it is argued that a WH-phrase that occurs in an A-position in S-structure is moved to an A'-position in LF. We will discuss some superficial asymmetry that LF movement in Japanese exhibits with respect to the effects of the locality condition of Subjacency. While it obeys the WH-Island Condition effect, it appears to be free from the Complex NP Constraint (CNPC) effect: sentences which contain a WH-phrase within a complex NP at S-structure are generally grammatical. We claim in chapter 2 that the WH-phrase in the problematic sentences does not move out of the complex NP, but it moves only within the relative clause. This triggers movement of the entire complex NP to the operator position of the main clause, thus no violation of the CNPC is involved. Chapter 3 will discuss the theoretical apparatus which substantiates the proposal in chapter 2. As for the second question, we will discuss some sentences in Japanese and English where WH-phrases can be understood as behaving as the universal quantifier. We argue, in chapters 4 and 5, that WH-phrases are devoid of semantic content and should be treated as 'variables' in the logical representation. The quantificational force of the WH-phrase is determined by a certain class of quantificational elements under certain structural conditions that hold with the WH-phrase that has undergone movement at LF. Chapters 5 and 6 discuss problems raised by pronominal coindexing that holds between a pronoun and a WH-phrase with reference to the restrictions on Indirect Binding.

The analysis of pronominal anaphora provides us with tools to explore linguistic structures involving the scope of operators. In this dissertation, I develop a theory of anaphora, modifying and extending existing proposals in the literature, and then use it to explore distributivity and related phenomena. I assume that pronouns are interpreted as variables, and base a theory of anaphora on the claim that there are two kinds of constraints on how these variables may be bound. One type of constraint involves the relative positions of antecedents and anaphors in the hierarchical structure of discourse. I propose an extension of Discourse Representation Theory wherein a relation of subordination between propositions is induced by their mood. Mood is analyzed in terms of modality, and establishes the position of a proposition in the Discourse Representation. The structure which results constrains both inference and the potential for anaphora. The other type of constraint on anaphoric binding is based on the configurational notion of c-command in the Government and Binding Theory. Recognizing that the Binding Theory and the theory of discourse anaphora are both necessary in a comprehensive theory of anaphora permits a clarification and simplification of each. It is argued that the Binding Principles hold at S-Structure, and that coindexation is only a guide to interpretation in discourse, and not necessarily an indication of coreference. This comprehensive theory of anaphora serves as a tool for the exploration of the phenomenon of distributivity, including the group/distributive ambiguity in examples such as four men lifted a piano. It is argued that distributivity arises in predication when either the determiner in the subject is quantificational or there is an implicit or explicit adverbial distributivity operator. Anaphoric phenomena associated with distributivity are shown to be a consequence of the scope of operators. This theory of distributivity, implemented in the mapping from S-Structures onto Discourse Representations, then provides further arguments that coindexation is not to be interpreted as coreference, and also illuminates the contribution of the number of a pronoun to its interpretation.

This dissertation deals with distributivity or quantifier scope interactions in natural languages evidenced by a pair of sentences in the following: (1) Each child bought a balloon. (2) The children bought a balloon each. Both sentences mean that there is a certain number of x 's such that for every x, if x is a child, x has a balloon. I assume that the distributive reading comes as a result of certain dependency between each child or the children and a balloon (each). The dissertation first shows that the expression a balloon each in (2) has some interesting properties and poses an interesting problem in a current theory of distributivity or quantifier scope interactions. It contends that there is a significant group of expressions in natural languages that share the same interesting properties and proposes to call them "anti-quantifiers." The "anti-quantificational" particles include po in Polish and Russian, je in German, -ssik in Korean, as well as the "shifted" each in English shown in (2). This dissertation then develops a theory of distributivity. The theory is initially motivated by morphological patterns including those of anti-quantifiers, but it intends to present a coherent view of distributivity in general. The starting assumption of the proposed theory is that distributivity has its own module in the grammar. It takes a relational view of distributivity and proposes that distributivity is a relation between two arguments accessible to each other. The syntactic/semantic mechanism of the proposed theory are powerful enough to explain a wide range of distributivity, but constrained well enough to block the unacceptable outputs. Seen as a relation between two arguments, distributivity demonstrates many interesting properties that were neglected or were not clear in other theoretical treatments. This dissertation includes discussion on a locality condition on anti-quantifiers. The condition resembles the locality condition on bound anaphors, but it is pointed out that there is a significant difference between the two. It also includes discussion on two logical properties of distributivity. This dissertation includes some more arguments for the proposed theory, which are based on the per construction, and "dependent plurals."