Orientadora: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Banca: Dawisson Elvécio Belém Lopes / Banca: Camilo López Burian / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A presente pesquisa analisa a posição do Congresso Nacional brasileiro no processo decisório de política externa, verificando que o Legislativo busca ter maior participação nesse tema, como forma de redistribuir os poderes no nível doméstico. Nesse sentido, o eixo central da argumentação é de que, em contexto de globalização e de aproximação das esferas internacional e doméstica, a principal variável que estimula esse posicionamento é os interesses dos atores políticos na arena nacional, isto é, a relação partidária entre governo e oposição e entre Executivo e Legislativo. Sendo assim, a dissertação desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre o comportamento dos parlamentares e partidos na deliberação do Protocolo de Adesão da República Bolivariana da Venezuela ao Mercosul, entre 2007 e 2009. Analisando a tramitação em 4 comissões e 2 plenários, da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal, utiliza-se como fontes primárias os votos, os discursos e os trâmites parlamentares. Como explicações complementares, a ideologia política e a relação da Unidade da Federação com a Venezuela servem para compreender as exceções ao padrão. Portanto, o posicionamento do Legislativo em política internacional é entendido dentro do jogo político doméstico com o Executivo. Assim, a apreciação de atos internacionais é uma das oportunidades para que o Congresso opine sobre e controle as ações de política externa, além de ser um espaço de barganha frente ao Executivo, reivindicando suas funções nas relações e... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research analyses the Brazilian National Congress position in the foreign policy decision-making process, verifying that the Legislative aims to participate more in this issue, as a way to redistribute the powers in domestic level. In this sense, the central axis of the argumentation is that, in a context of globalisation and closeness of international and domestic spheres, the main variable that stimulates this position is the interests of political actors in the national arena, i.e., the partisan relationship between government and opposition and between the Executive and the Legislative. Therefore, the dissertation develops a case study about the parliamentarians and parties behaviour in the deliberation of the Protocol of Adhesion of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to Mercosur, from 2007 to 2009. Analysing the proceeding in 4 committees and 2 chambers, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate, parliamentarian votes, speeches and proceedings are used as primary sources. As complementary explanations, political ideology and the relation of the Federative Units with Venezuela serve to understand the exceptions to the pattern. Therefore, the Legislative positioning in international policy is understood within the domestic political game with the Executive. So, the appreciation of international acts is one of the opportunities for the Congress opine about and control the actions of foreign policy, besides being a space of bargaining with the Executive, cl... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: La presente investigación analiza la posición del Congreso Nacional brasileño en el processo decisorio de política exterior, verificando que el Legislativo busca tener más participación em ese tema, como una manera de redistribuir los poderes en nivel doméstico. En ese sentido, el eje central de la argumentación es de que, en un contexto de globalización y de acercamiento de las esferas internacional y doméstica, la principal variable que impulsa esse posicionamiento es los intereses de los actores políticos en la arena nacional, es decir, la relación partidaria entre oficialismo y oposición y entre Ejecutivo y Legislativo. Así, la disertación desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre el comportamiento de los parlamentarios y partidos en la deliberación del Protocolo de Adhesión de la República Bolivariana al Mercosur, entre 2007 y 2009. Analizando la tramitación en 4 comisiones y 2 plenos, de la Cámara de Diputados y del Senado Federal, se utiliza como fuentes primarias los votos, los discursos y los trámites parlamentarios. Como explicaciones complementarias, la ideologia política y la relación de la Unidad Federativa con Venezuela sirven para comprender las excepciones al patrón. Por lo tanto, el posicionamiento del Legislativo en política internacional es entendido dentro del juego político doméstico con el Ejecutivo. Así, la apreciación de los actos internacionales es una de las oportunidades para que el Congreso opine sobre y controle las acciones de política exterior, más al... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 24, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: People's Republic of China, United States, Military Relations, Military Diplomacy Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-128). Also available in print.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiteit van Amsterdam.

Cultural diplomacy is considered by many to be the fourth pillar of foreign policy, together with political, economic and military diplomacy. It is widely practiced by states today, yet it is ill-defined, under-theorised and often undervalued as an instrument of foreign policy. In the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 terror attacks on the United States of America there is a renewed interest in the theory and practice of cultural diplomacy as an instrument to build strong international relations, foster effective (diplomatic) channels of communication between nations, and exert influence in the global arena. As a manifestation of this renewed interest, South Africa recently announced its intent to develop a cultural diplomacy policy. The study proposes that global best practices offers lessons for South Africa, and that building blocks for the development of a South African cultural diplomacy policy already exist. The theoretical limitations and range of application of cultural diplomacy informed the primary research question: Given current thinking on cultural diplomacy and drawing on best practices globally what would be the critical components in designing a cultural diplomacy policy for South Africa? Three aspects informed the response; the trend in scholarly writing including the 5-element adapted model of Gienow-Hecht & Donfried recognising cultural diplomacy as a key instrument of foreign policy; secondly an overview of best practices in cultural diplomacy globally reflecting a diversity of approaches and institutions; and thirdly, the South African context demonstrating the existing building blocks of a cultural diplomacy policy. A reflection on the origins and elements of cultural diplomacy as practiced by different states responded to the secondary research question: What is the current understanding of global trends in cultural diplomacy? The trends indicate an expansion, greater formalisation and publicising of cultural diplomacy, as an increasingly recognised instrument of foreign policy. Considering the links between cultural diplomacy and other forms of ‘soft power’ responded to a further secondary research question; How is cultural diplomacy distinct and differentiated from, or linked to public diplomacy and soft power tools of foreign policy? Evidence revealed cultural diplomacy differs substantively from other ‘soft power’ tools in its aim, audience and content, but they may be used in unison or to support each other. Uniquely cultural diplomacy embraces the national cultural character at the centre thereof, as manifested dualistically through art works, performances, literary works, music, drama, poetry and dance, but also though identity, language, values, beliefs and behaviour. In the South African case study, two further secondary research questions were considered: What is the recent historical and post-1994 South African context and thinking that informs the development of a cultural diplomacy policy for South Africa?; and, What role is there for non-state actors in shaping cultural diplomacy in South Africa? Applying the adapted model revealed a cultural diplomacy orientation steeped in the struggle and liberation politics of South Africa’s past, and a concerted post-1994 effort to address the previous marginalisation and neglect of (some) cultures. Increased awareness and progressive development of cultural diplomacy programmes, acknowledging the role of non–state actors, provide further building blocks of a cultural diplomacy policy. Lastly consideration was given to a final secondary research question: ‘How do the current elements or building blocks of South African cultural diplomacy conform to the Gienow-Hecht & Donfried model and its two theses/propositions on ‘distance’ and ‘interactivity’? The evidence was mixed and recommendations are made for adjustment of the theses for the South African context. Building on global best practices, and with key elements already in place, this study proposes that a comprehensive South African cultural diplomacy policy can be designed, developed and pursued in an effective and sustainable manner. Key terms: Culture, cultural diplomacy, diplomacy, foreign policy, international relations, national identity, propaganda, public diplomacy, soft power, South African cultural diplomacy. / Mini Dissertation (MDIPS)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Political Sciences / Unrestricted

Recently, scholars have begun to examine American and Soviet relations in the 1950s. These studies, however, do not concentrate upon the Soviet leadership’s use of cultural exchange, nor do these studies explore the Soviets’ reliance on the arts as a foreign policy tool. Similarly, though studies analyze evidence for a possible thaw in American-Soviet diplomatic relations and investigate this potential thaw’s ramifications within the Soviet Union, no major studies concentrate on the thaw with regard to cultural exchange. This dissertation explores whether the Bolshoi Ballet’s 1959 American tour provided evidence of a genuine thaw in American-Soviet relations, and simultaneously seeks to understand the arts’ prominent role within Soviet foreign policy and examine the role of tsarist culture within Soviet society. Specifically, this study investigates the rationale behind the creation of the Bolshoi’s repertoire and the Soviet leadership’s objectives and interpretation of the tour’s effectiveness as well as Americans’ responses to the tour. The dissertation’s main focus concerns the four ballets, Romeo and Juliet, Swan Lake, Giselle, and The Stone Flower, and the Soviets’ attempt to use these ballets to alter Americans’ anti-Soviet opinions. Soviet officials’ public and private statements demonstrate their reliance on the arts as a political weapon. The Soviets conceived of the ballet as an effective political tool that disseminated Communist messages. Conversely, the American public and critics understood the ballet as an art form divorced from political overtones. These contrasting viewpoints weakened the Soviets’ cultural offensive. At the official level, members of the American government deliberately tried to minimize the Bolshoi’s effect as Cold War propaganda. This study concludes that the Bolshoi’s 1959 tour indicated the Soviets’ determination to employ the ballet as a weapon designed to achieve a Soviet Cold War victory. Even though the Bolshoi’s tour did not represent a thaw in American-Soviet relations and did not sway American impressions of the Soviet Union, the tour played an integral role in the Soviets’ grand strategy for a worldwide Soviet Communist victory.

Digital diplomacy (e-Diplomacy), is commonly defined as the use of information and communication technology for the purposes of attaining foreign policy goals. The emerging field of digital diplomacy has been largely neglected in academic research. Also, in practice, this area has been slow to evolve compared to other areas of public service such as e-government, e-education and e-health. This research draws on the existing literature to present a novel conceptual framework that could be used to guide the implementation of e-diplomacy. A new e-diplomacy maturity framework is formulated to address the modern functions of foreign relations in today’s global environment. The e-diplomacy maturity framework is derived from the theory of growth models, the e-government maturity model, the broader literature on diplomacy and the practice of diplomacy. To validate the conceptual framework, a qualitative approach involving semi-structured interviews with diplomats and professionals from the foreign ministries of the USA, the UK and Qatar were conducted. The novelty of this research is based on the development of a conceptual framework of e-diplomacy maturity and implementation that was built around the scaffolding of conjectures that were tested to determine their validity. It can guide research scholars wishing to explore the discipline of digital diplomacy. It will also assist foreign ministries to identify the stage they have reached in deploying ICT in their diplomatic functions. This study should also provide policy makers, diplomats, ICT managers, and practitioners with a greater understanding of the stages and factors that encourage or hinder e-diplomacy implementation and maturity.

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The central aim of this thesis is to deconstruct and reconstruct the dominant theoretical perceptions of diplomacy, by reworking radically existing theories of diplomacy. This thesis achieves reconceptualisation of diplomatic theory by critiquing the thoughts and ideas of theorists postulating on modern diplomacy. Consequently, this thesis is concerned (largely) with the theoretical terrain of diplomacy studies.The purpose of this intended deconstruction and reconstruction is to introduce and construct three lucid types of diplomatic theory. These three types or categories introduced in this thesis are Traditional, Nascent and Innovative Diplomatic Theory. By categorising these three distinct types of theories, it is hoped that the diplomatic scholar will have a choice of lenses through which to interpret the complexities of the modern diplomatic environment. Ultimately, this thesis aims to strengthen Traditional Diplomatic Theory (TDT) and introduce/construct two alternate forms of diplomatic theory, Nascent Diplomatic Theory (NDT) and Innovative Diplomatic Theory (IDT).