Designed to be in line with the then government's apartheid policy, the manpower training system created a highly polarised national skills development system characterised by huge socio-economic inequalities, and an unemployment and poverty problem that was defined along racial lines (McGrath, 1996). The defeat of apartheid in the 1990s meant that the new government desperately needed to address these socio-economic challenges. It needed to do so while also trying to catch up with a rapidly globalising world economy characterised by rapid change, unprecedented competition, new technology, fast-growing emerging markets, workforce diversity, and a demand for new skills. The Draft 1997 Green Paper on Skills Development Strategy for Economic and Employment Growth in South Africa advocated for a state-driven national skills development system in partnership with firms, labour and a range of public and private training providers (Republic of South Africa, 1996: 62). The Green Paper led to the promulgation of a number of skills development legislations including the Skills Development Act (SDA) (No. 97 of 1998). The SDA envisaged Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) to act as key agencies in the delivery of skills development and workplace experience seen as essential in addressing the triple challenges of inequality, unemployment, and poverty (Republic of South Africa, 1998). Despite this new bold vision, SETAs have been relentlessly criticised for failing to respond to the demand for medium and high skills in an inclusive manner because of a crisis in governance and administration, poor planning, and corruption (Marock, Harrison-Train, Soobrayan & Gunthorpe, 2008; Barclay, 2012; Scott & Shuttleworth, 2007). SETA Boards tend to be riven with conflict as a result of their often opposing expectations and mandates, and the infighting spills over to executive managers and to the rest of the organisation. Boards that are preoccupied with internal power struggles are wont to lose focus on their fiduciary duties which revolve around the implementation of the National Skills Development Strategy (NSDS) (Scott & Shuttleworth, 2007). Even though optimum value can be derived from having institutional arrangements that are geared to the implementation of projects supporting organisational strategy, one in three of all strategy implementations fail as there is often a major rift between strategy (as designed by principals) and the actual projects (as implemented by agents) (Buys & Stander, 2010). Levy (2014) theorised that where the public is linked to service delivery nodes via politicians and policymakers who are in turn linked to service delivery providers, it is crucial to align the goals of agents with that of their principals. The SETA arrangement is, nonetheless, unique in that Board members are appointed by the Minister of Higher Education and Training in their capacity of representing a particular constituency such as a union or a business association. Even so, stakeholders must work together to optimise joint benefits and minimise their temptations to otherwise shirk, free ride or pursue selfish goals.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / This dissertation explores the contextual meanings of digital gaming for a group of children from the resource-constrained township of Ocean View, situated 45km outside of Cape Town. I document the domestication (Silverstone & Haddon, 1996) of mobile phones and PlayStations as technologies for gaming in this context, showing how the children appropriated the games technologies much as other household media are domesticated, in a process of double articulation.

This study examines the history of the cadenza, as well as the fundamental elements of a good cadenza. This paper is intended to help the modern trombonist learn to create appropriate, original cadenzas for classical trombone concerti. Both historical and modern writing,as well as extant classical cadenzas are used as a guide.

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The African continent possesses a wealth of natural mineral resources. Arguments have been put forward that these natural mineral resources can be one of the potential solutions to unlocking the challenge of underdevelopment and pervasive poverty in many African countries. Understanding how African countries can gain greater benefit from these mineral resources was the emphasis of this dissertation. Focus was placed specifically on the Mozambique natural gas sector. A case study methodology was employed with the purpose of determining whether Mozambique could gain greater participation in its natural gas value chain. Empirical and theoretical literature around mineral resources management including leading theories such as the resource curse were reviewed as key points of departure. A detailed analysis of historic natural gas projects executed in Mozambique, the legislative framework, contracts, and institutional and capacity demands then followed as a core part of the analysis. Finally, the study leaned on in-depth interviews with industry experts to understand the legal, policy, and technical barriers that could hinder Mozambique from gaining greater participation in the natural gas value chain. Key findings of the study pointed to the inadequacies of existing laws and contract provisions to deliver the vision of greater participation, barriers to entry such as high upfront capital requirements, and internal institutional and technical capacity gaps exemplified by the reliance on external technical assistance from partners such the World Bank. The study concluded that greater participation in the natural gas value chain could not be achieved through Mozambique legislating its way into upstream and midstream activities alone, rather, a progressive approach to gain greater participation was required, initially starting with increased participation in downstream activities through domestic gas to unlock industrialisation.

This study critically analyses an alternative political economy framework to observe the decolonization of new media institutions in Africa. This is because "critically analysing media organisations and media processes in society have come from political economy perspectives." (Jansen, 2003, p. 90). This thesis has a specific focus on the decolonization of the film industry as a case study on new media institutions that are shifting given the fourth industrial revolution. A quantitative methodology was employed to conduct focus groups and interviews with key African film industry actors, this focus group took place at the Durban Film Mart, a Pan-African market for film and television content. The paper critiques the Marxist approach to the political economy of media. This is done to understand the extent that Western political economy frameworks, like Marxism, are relevant in analyzing ownership and media concerning racialized subjects as well as feminist and queer collectives. This paper posits that an Africa, Queer, Muslim, or Feminist political economy framework would explain the relationship between the film industry, industry players, and its audiences better than Marxist assumptions. In this instance, African Feminist, Muslim and Queer approaches to the political economy theory provide a subaltern lens. This study has the intention to investigate new ways in which the decolonization of the political economy of the new Media can create an ideological non-state apparatus or a consciousness industry as denoted by the Frankfurt School. This ideological apparatus would characterize and reflect societal discourses, outside of the nation-state, while creating a sphere for public engagement and deliberation that is equitable and ontologically sound. By ontologically sound, I ask what are the different assumptions about human nature concerning the political economy that can be deduced from a new lens into African media. The answer is that Africa collectives formed outside of class barriers display agency that explains media activity in the twenty-first century. Western ontology and epistemologies assume 4 that colonization robbed Africa of self-determination and agency. This ontological assumption is false. The focus group at the Durban International Film Festival provided the tightest fit to validate my claims that ideologically decolonizing the film industry is garnering public engagement and industry engagement. What are the solutions to the issues of the digital divide and geopolitics of difference that characterise limitations within the burgeoning film industry? This paper investigates to what extent do organic intellectuals, entrepreneurs or youth drive the need for capital and ownership in the industry given that the landscape is shifting. The study found that there is an impetus for decolonizing the industry and that alternative political economy frameworks are more appropriate in analyzing the new media landscape.

Bibliography: leaves 195-200. / Fibromyalgia is a complex syndrome of diffuse pain associated with non-restorative sleep, fatigue, numerous tender points, depression and other conditions that often does not respond well to treatment posing a dilemma to health professionals. The aim of this study was to explore expressions of abandonment and rejection that emerged from group therapy with eleven fibromyalgia patients at the former Princess Alice Orthopaedic Hospital, Cape Town. It focused on abandonment/rejection by caregivers during childhood, death as a form of abandonment, abandonment/rejection in adulthood by family, spouse and family-in-law, by friends, colleagues and employers, by government and society, the hospital and doctors, and by fellow group members and the facilitator. The study is exploratory, interpretative and explanatory in nature with a purposive non-probability sample. The qualitative research method was used to gain insight into the subjective experiences of the lives and illness of the participants. The method of data collection was mainly the tape recorded and transcribed words of the participants over thirty-three group therapy sessions in eleven months and observations by the researcher as full participant observer. The data was sorted and analysed into emerging themes, patterns and categories. All participants had had repetitive experiences of abandonment/rejection, which they had denied, suppressed and avoided, as it was too painful. Due to a lack of inner and external resources, or any intervention, feelings of abandonment, fear and anger were internalized as an unresolved reservoir of emotional pain. This seemed to have escalated into an eventual expression of physical pain (somatisation). From the findings of this study, there appears to be a relationship between adverse psychosocial factors and stress, particularly experiences of abandonment/rejection and fibromyalgia. However, due to the qualitative nature and small sample, the findings cannot be extrapolated and generalized to the broader population of fibromyalgia patients, and quantitative studies are needed for verification.

Co-government arrangements are a necessary evil that provides political parties with an opportunity to take office, exercise power and share the spoils of power. My dissertation examines the reforms and principles that are most useful in co-government arrangements, which are characterised by unstable, complex and sometimes predatory political environments, to ensure that governance and developmental gains can be achieved. Using case studies of the co-government arrangements in three local municipalities, all based in the Western Cape Province of South Africa and led by an array of small opposition parties, I make two arguments. Firstly, senior public officials can act as a countervailing platform to achieve governance gains by implementing a range of reforms and principles. The most pertinent of these being to make concessions in coalition arrangements that have a kingmaker and by implementing a functional political-administrative interface to protect the integrity of the powers and functions delegated to both arms of the municipality. Secondly, political principals with mixed interests can effectively cooperate to find joint gains. Some of these reforms and principles require that forums be put in place to encourage effective communication to expedite decision making that enable governance gains, while the coalition agreement should have comprehensive terms to guide the rules of engagement of the parties in the co-government arrangement. Coalition led governments at a municipal level can thrive if coalition partners communicate effectively, act in goodwill towards a common goal and uphold credible commitments to serve with integrity.

A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Communication Science, University of Zululand, 2005. / In this thesis the researcher examines language policy and language practice in large organisations, with specific reference to departmental practice at the eThekwini Municipality. The eThekwini Municipality is one of South Africa's largest municipalities that are tasked with the provision of (and ensuring universal access to) essential services that are affordable to local communities, for example, water, electricity and sanitation. The eThekwini municipality was chosen on the basis of its commitment to equity and the development of its employees' potential through training and development programmes. The study, is conducted within the parameters of the new Constitution's multilingual language policy of South Africa, the Skills Development Act of 1998 and the Employment Equity Act of 1998. In Section 6: C, the Constitution states that the state must take practical measures to elevate the status of the indigenous languages and in Section 9: 3, the state may not discriminate against anyone on the grounds of language and colour. The study argues that in order to ensure equity, all South African languages must be used for the promotion of multilmgualism and the advancement of African languages, which were previously ignored by the apartheid government. The broad issues that the study examined include language policy and practice, languages used in organisations and the dominance of English in organisational communication.

Do technical solutions override or fast track institutional reforms? This study interrogates the extent to which Zambia’s newly introduced Electronic Government Procurement (e-GP) is addressing the procurement challenges [for essential drugs and medical supplies] in the Ministry of Health (MoH). A brain child of the Zambia Public Procurement Authority (ZPPA), the e-GP is but one of the components of the wider procurement reform agenda. The e-GP was introduced with the intention of enhancing efficiency, effectiveness and Value for Money (VfM) in public procurement. Since 2016, ZPPA has been piloting the approach in selected Procurement Entities (PEs), a combination of sector ministries and state parastatals. Based on review of project documentation, publicly available data, and interviews from key stakeholders; the study explores and interrogates the contextual and institutional challenges characterising the e-GP design and pilot implementation phases, and the extent to which these realities impact the achievement of the intended outcomes. A fair amount of information from interviewees was provided under conditions of confidentiality, thus individuals are not often identified. It is perhaps too early to ascertain the extent to which the e-GP is realising the intended objectives. This is partly explained by the project’s slow start, occasioned by delayed procurement which had knock - on effects on the overall project’s pace. An interrogation of the history and political economy of Zambia suggests however that it is the opaque challenges bordering on the political economy which is the single most binding constraint to reforms; defining the process, the pace and outcomes. The design of the e-GP was generic and non-participatory. There is no evidence to suggest that the process had provided opportunity for PE’s to define and customize the problems that mattered for them to be addressed by the e-GP. Instead, the e-GP seems to have been sold to PEs as a best practice solution. Because of the deep incentive fabric at both organizational and individual levels, the project seems to have some traction. Effort of various actors does not appear to be supportive of each, often latently contradicting each other. Project progress is held constant by the relative ability of the ZPPA to push some strands of work within some pilot PEs. This relative ability of the ZPPA shields the low levels of acceptance and questionable authority within PEs and among actors. Progress on the e-GP appears like a façade of success; suggestive of isomorphic mimicry.