This thesis examines the procurement of fighter aircraft as an indication of transatlantic relations. Specifically it asks if European rationale toward purchasing the Joint Strike Fighter indicates its position toward increasing military capabilities and the importance placed on defense cooperation with the United States. Certain observers have suggested that the relentless U.S. pursuit of technology in the â Revolution in Military Affairsâ has exacerbated the capabilities gap and encouraged the U.S. to act unilaterally. This thesis argues the JSF offers allies a means to circumvent recent damage done in the Atlantic Alliance. Through a case study of four countries â expectedâ to purchase the JSF to replace U.S.-made F-16 aircraft, this thesis concludes that rationale for some who have heretofore abstained from the program is worrisome, but the fact that some are electing to pursue other choices indicates further divergences in the transatlantic realm. Through the views of these countries and looking at the larger picture, the JSF will further divide Europe and the U.S. in defense relations, as the pursuit of military technology threatens to drive the U.S. away from multilateralism and toward a â buy our equipment or be left outâ stance on the so-called network centric battlefield.

The Indian navy has undergone several periods of expansion in its short history which have signaled significant change in the Indian Ocean region. It is currently undergoing another. This thesis examines the current expansion, and interprets it in light of the Indian navyâ s maritime strategy. It focuses on three elements critical to all strategy, but which are especially relevant in this case: national interests, perceived threats and naval capabilities. A change in any of the three elements usually signals and requires analogous change at the strategic level. This thesis reveals that there has been an increase in all three elements, which forecasts an immense increase in Indiaâ s strategic ambitions at sea, and further naval expansion.

On Europe's periphery lie a number of unresolved conflict and unrecognized states most of which emerged during the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Due to their remote and strategically insignificant nature, they were largely ignored by the West as it peacefully integrated Central and Eastern Europe into the community of liberal democracies. Russia utilized the lack of international concern to prolong the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh and destabilize the smaller states emerging from the Soviet Union. The conflicts exploit a fundamental ambiguity in international law between sovereignty and self-determination. This study shows that NATO and the EU have the ability to resolve frozen conflicts through their influence on the third parties that are preserving them. Unlike earlier solutions made only by one or two great powers, NATO and the EU represent the majority of established democracies in the world. As they share common values, they can reach consensus on policy actions unlike the UN or OSCE. As large organizations of democratic states, they possess credibility that no other institution or great power combination has ever had before. They also have the military capability to support policy choices. Furthermore, Russia and Turkey have a record of submitting to well-coordinated Western policy and exploiting differences in it if such coordination in lacking.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / This thesis investigates why Iraq's Sunnis resorted to violent collective action, rather than non-violent political action, following Saddam's overthrow. Using social movement theory, I argue that decreasing political opportunity, existing mobilizing structures with violent repertoires, and effective framing of the opposition as kufr (non-Muslim) explain the emergence of Iraq's Sunni insurgency. I posit that Sunnis felt a profound grievance in the decreased political opportunity following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. Furthermore, mobilization nearly always utilizes existing networks and adapts the characteristics of the physical spaces and organizational structures from which the movement emerges. I argue that the disbanded military and militant Islamist networks comprised the bulk of the first insurgent groups, and that these groups used their existing repertoires to shape Iraq's political environment. I then trace the frames used throughout the conflict, illustrating that the common theme is opposition to rule by kufr - whether it be Coalition nations or Iraqi Shi'a - and this provides a concrete target for the insurgency. Examined collectively, these three factors provide a sufficient explanation for the Sunni insurgents' turn to violence to address their political grievances. This argument stands in constrast to the clash of civilization and "Cosmic War" arguments, which offer insufficient explanations.

The U.S.-ROK alliance has been a vital element for South Koreaâ s security since the end of the Korean War. By successfully serving its primary role in deterring a North Korean reinvasion of the South, the U.S. Forces in Korea (USFK) was the core within the alliance. Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, it began to transform the structure of U.S. forces overseas under the Military Transformation plan. In this context, the USFK is undergoing an unprecedented transformation process. With the United States and South Koreaâ s recent agreement on the strategic flexibility of USFK, it became obvious that the primary role of the USFK will be changed from North Korean deterrence to a regional contingency force. This thesis assesses the implications of the U.S. strategic flexibility policy for South Korean security. It discusses how the U.S. strategic flexibility will influence the security circumstances surrounding the Korean peninsula and how it could change the U.S.- ROK alliance. The U.S.-Japan alliance transformation and the realignment of USFJ is assessed as a case study. Finally, based on the four criteria which are determined as the essential elements in South Korean security, South Koreaâ s policy options toward the U.S. strategic flexibility policy are assessed.

This thesis will investigate the feasibility of developing nationsâ ability to create a wholly indigenous advanced arms industry in the 21st century using China and India as case studies. I propose it is not possible for developing nations in the current context of the globalized arms race to build an advanced arms industry because of the high political and economic costs. Diverse competing interests force politicians to make decisions about distribution and usage of resources that will maintain their legitimacy. The hypothesis does not rule out that some domestic advancements may be made in certain sectors, such as nuclear bombs and missiles, because resources may be spent on narrowly defined goals instead of the development of the whole industry. Nor does it rule out that a developing nation cannot have a modern military with advanced weaponry, just that the weapons will not all be wholly domestic. They will obtain advanced weapons through joint development, purchasing, or licensing. Political and economic cost will explain the failure of a wholly indigenous advanced arms industry to fully develop, as well as illustrate the few successes within certain sectors of the industry.

Since the turn of this century, stability in European continent, to a large degree, depends on political-military cooperation among European countries as well as the establishment of common goals in order to eliminate current threats and risks such as terrorism. As far as Poland is concerned, its priority is to be an active leader in improving common security policy within the boundaries of the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Polish security policy and strategy is shaped by its geographical location which places Poland in NATO's main strategic area opposite the Russian Federation and Belarus. In other words, Poland sees itself as the eastern "edge" of NATO's area and as a "front-line" country. This motivates Poland to support NATO's further enlargement to the East because Warsaw understands that it is a primary key to stability in Europe and has a responsibility to support NATO activities in this region. Thus, this thesis analyze the character of Polish Defense Policy after integration into NATO and EU and the impact this policy has national interests. It will specifically focus on ongoing efforts to adjust defense policy and strategy to meet contemporary demands through political-military cooperation and dialogue with allies. / Polish Army author.

"Independent since 1991, Ukraine continues to struggle to improve its political stability and economic strength. Because of Ukraine's geographic proximity to and intertwined history with Russia, Ukrainian leaders measure their actions against the interests of Russia. Ukrainian policies, especially those that would expose Ukraine to Western influences and those independent of Russia's approval, could cause distrust in Moscow. Because Ukraine is likely to make political decisions that may cross Russian interests, the thesis will answer the questions: should Ukraine adopt a competitive or cooperative policy with Russia, or some combination of both, in order to fulfill its national security goals? The thesis formulates an analytical framework that assesses the feasibility and rationality of possible Ukrainian decisions on two volatile issues: the energy supply imbalance and border demarcation. It incorporates the domestic influences in Ukraine and Russia, as well as dominant international factors, in its analysis, seeking to identify the internal biases of the decision makers and how those biases affect the strength and security of an independent Ukraine. This thesis concludes by recommending steps that Ukraine and the United States could take to ensure Ukrainian sovereignty in the future."--p. i. / US Army (USA) author.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Military change has been a persistent characteristic of Japan's re-emergence from World War II. However, most studies focus on Tokyo's 'evolutionary-like' and 'incremental' efforts, rooting them in a host of structural impediments to change. Nonetheless, Japan continues to strengthen its reliance on the U.S. 'sword' while building a broader more effective 'shield.' Through three case studies (U.S alignment in the 1950s/1960s, the 1981 expansion to a 1,000nm defense perimeter, and post- Cold War BMD cooperation with the United States) this thesis shows that despite pervasive pacifism, deeply riven domestic politics, and apparent inflexibility on military security policy, Japan has nonetheless been capable of initiating significant military change. While international systemic factors and U.S. pressure have played a role, Japan's security policies have formed under the political, institutional, legal, and societal norms infused in the postwar environment. This has required political elites to subordinate national security interests to the influence of Japan's evolving domestic political environment. Ultimately, these barriers have diminished as Japan's domestic political environment has consolidated resulting in an ability to quicker react to external events. This thesis suggests that U.S. policy toward Japan, while important, overlooks the core issue of Japan's domestic politics in shaping its security policy. / Outstanding Thesis

The contribution of own food production to the nutrition of households in two neighbouring, rural, semi-arid settlements was investigated. A survey of a 10% probability sample (n=131) of households in Sekuruwe and Ga-Molekane in the Mokgalakwena Local Municipality, Waterberg District Municipality, Limpopo Province, South Africa, conducted in 2001, provided data on household composition, income (cash and kind), poverty status, expenditure and agriculture, including a detailed account of the types and quantities of food that were purchased during the month preceding the date of the interview. For each household the food obtained from the different types of agriculture they practised was quantified. Protein, iron and Vitamins A and C were selected as indicators to assess the contribution of purchased and own produced food to the food intake of households. Food composition tables were used to estimate the nutrient content of the different foods. To assess the contribution of irrigated home gardening to food intake of households, Drum & Drip micro-irrigation systems which enabled irrigated vegetable production on an area of 36 m2 were installed on the residential sites of 10 volunteer households in the study area. The results confirmed that income is the most important determinant of household food security in rural South Africa. However, food obtained from various types of dry-land agriculture contributed significantly to household nutrition and without farming the food security of households would be reduced, especially among the ultra-poor. Small-scale irrigated vegetable production was shown to have the potential to substantially raise the amount of the Vitamins A and C available to households but did not address the lack of protein in the diet of ultra-poor households and the lack of iron in the diet of all households.