Given the high prevalence rates of mental health difficulties among child welfare clients, this study attempted to map psychological services for such individuals in New Zealand and Australia. In conducting semi-structured interviews with Principal/Senior-Regional Psychologists and Directors from government departments and non-government organisations working alongside child welfare clients throughout Australasia, this study obtained information pertaining to the nature and scope of psychological services provided by such agencies. The most comprehensive data was obtained for New Zealand and New South Wales, while incomplete data described psychological services in Western Australia and Queensland. The findings of this study highlight the absence of a ‘best practice’ model among such services in addition to the disparities that exist between the number of care and protection notifications received by the government child welfare departments in New Zealand and New South Wales, and the development of psychological services within these departments. Furthermore, the lack of acknowledgement of the mental health needs of child welfare clients among both government child welfare departments and non-government organisations in these jurisdictions needs to be addressed before such services can be effectively delivered to these vulnerable children and young people.

Copies of author's previously published articles inserted . / Errata slip pasted on back endpaper. / Bibliography : leaves 220-233. / xi, 233, [49] leaves : ill., maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Members of the wasp subfamily Cardiochilinae (Hymenoptera: Braconidae) are endoparasitic in lepidopterous larvae and have proven and potential importance as biocontrol agents of agricultural pests. This thesis examines the taxonomy of species in the Australasian region, and develops a phylogenetic framework for world genera based on cladistic methodology. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Crop Protection, 1996

Bibliography: leaves 320-343 / xxxi, 343 leaves [6] folded leaves [103] leaves of plates : ill. (some col.), maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, 1983

Corrigenda pasted on verso of leaf 267. Bibliography: leaves 239-253. This study focuses on the phylogenetic status of Diolcogaster within the Cotesia-complex. The Cotesia-complex is not resolved as a monophyletic group though most of the included genera are so resolved. Diolcogaster is revised for the Australasian region and recorded for the first time fron New Zealand. A total of 26 species are now known from Australasia.

Corrigenda pasted on verso of leaf 267. / Bibliography: leaves 239-253. / xii, 267 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / This study focuses on the phylogenetic status of Diolcogaster within the Cotesia-complex. The Cotesia-complex is not resolved as a monophyletic group though most of the included genera are so resolved. Diolcogaster is revised for the Australasian region and recorded for the first time fron New Zealand. A total of 26 species are now known from Australasia. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Crop Protection, Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resource Sciences, 1997

Nationalism has been an important issue for China in both domestic politics and international relations. In the Post-Tiananmen Era, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) turned to nationalism as an ideological instrument to bolster the faith of the Chinese people and legitimise the Party’s rule. Meanwhile, the early 1990s also witnessed rapid developments in information and communications technologies (ICTs) in China, which have catalysed the emergence of online nationalism. Much of the existing literature focuses on either the external impact of Chinese nationalism on foreign policy or highlights the rise of popular nationalism as an independent force that makes the state fragile. There is, however, insufficient attention paid to the internal construct of Chinese nationalism. In the digital age, it also becomes increasingly evident that contemporary Chinese nationalism cannot be properly understood without reference to the role of digital communication. This thesis analyses the politics of Chinese nationalism through the lens of digital communicative practices. This offers an original and nuanced understanding of the political and social dynamics in contemporary China. The thesis focuses on two dimensions. First, it highlights the link between official nationalism and popular nationalism, revealing the changing dynamics within the construction of Chinese nationalism. Second, it focuses on Chinese online nationalism, illuminating the relationship between nationalism and technology. The thesis presents the first major work in examining both top-down construction and popular reception in Chinese nationalism studies from an ethnosymbolic approach. It highlights that the theoretical framework of ethno-symbolism is helpful in providing a more situated, nuanced understanding from a historical and cultural dimension. This thesis considers the (re)construction of China’s national myths of the Second Sino-Japanese War and examines the construction of national humiliation and national pride in the changing state-society dynamics. The study primarily focuses on discourse, in both textual and visual modes, relating to national humiliation and national pride that constitute the two key ingredients of Chinese nationalism. Accordingly, two cases are chosen for empirical investigation: the commemoration events for the Nanjing Massacre and the 2015 Victory Day Parade event. The study uses discourse analytical tools from Discourse Historical Approach and multimodal approach and highlights the importance of having a situated understanding of Chinese nationalism from historical and cultural perspective. It argues that Chinese online nationalism is (re)constructed by a multiplicity of discourses via digital practices, characterised by the evolving dynamics between state and society and situated in the wider political and cultural contexts. The thesis shows that digital communication has changed the means by which the landscape of Chinese nationalism is shaped, which is manifest in two ways. Firstly, national symbols and rituals, as an important means of patriotic education for the CCP, have been “relocated” from physical space, such as Nanjing and Tiananmen, to virtual cyberspace. By incorporating technology into its patriotic education framework, the CCP increasingly extends its discursive power in propagating patriotism, thereby making the Internet an institutionalised patriotic education venue. Secondly, online nationalist expressions and communication provide fertile ground for Chinese Internet users to explore their discursive space in political communication, allowing them to reshape the mythscape of the national past and reconstruct national identity.

This thesis examines the relationship between civil society, social movements and the state in ethnically-divided countries, using the case study of Malaysia. The argument begins with the observation that the respective literatures on civil society and social movements occupy a broadly congruent paradigm, but the relationship between the two is poorly theorised. Through a critical discussion of existing approaches, a synthesis of civil society and social movements theory is produced, which argues for a dualistic interpretation that emphasises both institutional linkages and cultural and discursive relationships. It is further argued that this latter aspect is of particular importance in ethnically-divided countries, as cultural differences between groups may hamper the effective mobilisation of movements. Thus may exist a form of ‘slippage’ between civil society and movement mobilisation, unidentified in much of the literature that tends to view the two as dynamically homogenous. The empirical section of the thesis utilises this model to examine the trajectories of civil society and social movements in Malaysia, focussing on the two decades from 1981 to 2001. It is argued that the first half of the 1980s saw the expansion of a broadly middle class-led, multiethnic civil society but that successful movement mobilisation nonetheless remained rooted in ethnic concerns. Nonetheless, the decade saw in increasing challenge to the regime's hegemonic position. As internal relations within the government coalition fractured during the middle years of the decade, parties and factions within the regime lurched to more ethnicist positions, contributing to an increasing spiral of ethnic `outbidding' and social mobilisation. In October 1987, this was brought to an end by a widespread crackdown that brought social mobilisation to an abrupt halt. Combined with the continuing elite fracture, this effectively re-channelled the increased protest of the period into the political sphere, where a broad opposition coalition was formed to contest the 1990 elections. With the democratic system long since undermined, however, the government won and even maintained its two-third majority. In the late 1990s, the dynamics of state, civil society and social movement were again clearly visible following the dismissal of Anwar Ibrahim as deputy prime minister and the mass protest ‘reformasi’ movement it unleashed. The ‘reformasi’ movement attempted to cultivate new modes of mobilisation, such as the Internet, appropriate to its multiethnic aspirations, but also relied heavily on the existing mobilisational networks of the Islamic movement. This mobilisational bias was reflected in the degree of electoral support for the movement's political manifestation in the 1999 general elections and contributed to the quick demise of the electoral coalition it provoked. The slippage between a multiethnic civil society and the ethnic bases of movement mobilisation in Malaysia has thus hampered the emergence of effective opposition to the regime.

In many democracies election campaign advertising is an important form of communication between parties and candidates and voters. There is however an uncomfortable tension between what campaigns should achieve (according to democratic theories) and what they are like in reality. In Taiwan, political scientists have voiced concerns about the excessively negative tone of party and candidate advertising. Descriptive single-election accounts also suggest that campaign ads in Taiwan regularly fail to provide voters with the substantive information they need to make reasoned choices. These observations are cited as reason to conceive campaign advertising as deleterious to Taiwan’s new democracy. However, recent work in the US, suggests that negative advertising may in fact be a source of useful information to voters. By extension, the authors of these studies claim that negative ads make an important contribution to democratic political competition. The central objective of the thesis is to explore these claims in the Taiwan context. Are the theoretical arguments used to explain the content of negative advertising in the US supported by empirical evidence in the highly dissimilar Taiwanese context? Do negative ads in Taiwan, in spite of prior scholarly observations to the contrary, make a useful contribution to the information environment available to voters? In addressing these questions, the thesis aims to contribute a non-western case study to general research on campaign advertising. It also aims to provide the Taiwan studies field with a more systematic account of campaign communications than is currently available. To this end, the study analyzes more than 500 TV and newspaper ads from all four Presidential elections held to date.

This thesis focuses on the impact of EU conditionality on democratisation in Turkey. Built on the assumption that Turkey's democratisation process cannot be fully understood without taking the EU's Impact into account, this thesis argues that even if external actors (e.g., the EU) can create opportunities for domestic political change In target states (e.g., Turkey), these actors cannot impose democracy externally; instead, they can provide support, or encourage power holders towards a more open and democratic system. Ultimately, however, these efforts cannot produce democratisation unless there are sufficient pro-democracy pressures at the domestic level. Empirically, the study examines institutional transformation and policy (re)formation in Turkey in the course of Its EUaccession process by conducting cross-sectoral and cross-temporal analysis. The analysis involves four policy areas and three time periods. These areas include minority rights, freedom of expression, the military and the judiciary; the domestic changes in these policy areas are traced across three time periods: 1999-2002, 2002-2004, and 2005-2008. The study is motivated by an academic interest in the intricacy of Turkey's long-term association with the EU and seeks to explore the external and internal dynamics of Turkey's candidacy process by employing theoretical tools offered by Europeanisation research. Following a Europeanisation theoretical framework, as devised out of new institutionalist theories, the thesis traces and analyses the democratisation process of Turkey and examines Turkey's pre-accession process at two levels. It first looks Into EU-Ievel factors to explore how the EU influences domestic change In Turkey with respect to its conditionality strategy and influence mechanisms; and secondly, it examines the domestic factors that pertain to each policy area to assess how EU conditionality is translated into domestic policy responses. Drawing upon data derived from primary and secondary sources, the thesis has three main findings. First, the recent reforms in Turkey represent a substantively significant effort to consolidate Turkish democracy. Second, as the cross-sectoral analysis illustrates, Turkey's strong desire to accede to the EU played a triggering role in the institutional transformation and policy (re)formation of Turkey. Third, although EU conditionality greatly influenced the domestic political debate surrounding the recent political reforms, ultimately the internal political dynamics determined and shaped the policy outcomes in Turkey. The research also reveals that to fully understand the impact of EU conditionality on domestic change in Turkey, we need to draw on both the external incentives and the social learning models, since they explain different aspects of domestic change based on diverging international and domestic level factors. As a wider outlook, the thesis reflects on the role of international organisations in democracy promotion, relating it to wider academic debates on democratisation and Europeanisation and their implications for domestic transformations in target countries.

This thesis explains how policing has changed in Turkey between the late 1960s and 2012 and explores ways to explain the changes by looking at the enforcement anti-drug trafficking measures. Using a process tracing method, it argues that Turkey's formerly lax approach to drug control was gradually replaced by stronger enforcement, to the point that nowadays Turkey seems to see itself as a champion of international police cooperation. The thesis then demonstrates that this change can only be partially explained by theories focusing on external change drivers, such as the Americanization of global law enforcement or the Europeanization of Turkey in its bid for EU membership. It argues that change is best explained by analysing micro-processes of socialization within the Turkish National Police (TNP), which reveal the role of domestic factors unexplainable otherwise, such as the importance of protecting the reputation of Turkey and of the TNP among international partners, and the importance of personal career-oriented behaviour by officers of the TNP.