Abstract not available.

Cette thèse évalue la portée de l'Accord définitif Nisga'a en tant que repère dans le développement de l'autodétermination autochtone au Canada. Par une étude détaillée des paramètres du modèle d'autonomie gouvernementale nisga'a, un examen des potentialités de cet accord en matière de troisième niveau de gouvernement destiné à répondre aux préoccupations des Premières nations est réalisé. L'auteure soutient que l'Accord définitif Nisga'a établit un troisième niveau de gouvernement autochtone dans la fédération canadienne sans toutefois remettre en question les fondements historiques à la base de celle-ci, de même que la politique traditionnelle du gouvernement fédéral en matière d'autonomie gouvernementale.

Le questionnement sur l'identité nationale et la forte médiatisation des accommodements raisonnables ont semblé créer des remous sur des aspects d'appartenance au Québec. Comment certaines communautés culturelles se positionnent-elles par rapport à l'identité nationale québécoise? Pour trouver des réponses à cette question, nous avons réalisé des entrevues semi-dirigées avec des informateurs clefs chez trois communautés culturelles du Québec; arménienne, juive et rwandaise. Cette recherche constate que les répondants des communautés qui ont en mémoire le souvenir d'un génocide ont des opinions variées sur le débat de la "nation québécoise". Certains encouragent fortement la promotion de cette identité, tandis que d'autres n'y voient qu'un débat inutile et interminable. De plus, les participants des communautés culturelles se lient au plan de l'appartenance à un ou à des pays qui sont représentatifs de leur identité. Dans cette perspective, s'identifier à la "nation québécoise" signifierait appartenir à plus d'une nation.

This thesis establishes the presence of pilgrimage in Canadian literature as reflective of Canadian cultural and global changes. It shows the enduring archetypal characteristics of pilgrimage from the earliest pre-Confederation travel writing to contemporary and postmodern novels. The topic of Canadian literary pilgrimage allows for an eclectic and necessarily multi-disciplinary approach and also for the study of the earliest Canadian letters and contemporary novelists, as well as for a breadth of forms, including journals, letters, archival sermons, dramatic works, poetry, and contemporary Canadian novels. Chapter one begins with the cultural figure of Brebeuf as pilgrim first in The Jesuit Relations (1632-1673), proceeds to E. J. Pratt's long-poem Brebeuf and his Brethren (1940), on-site research at the memorial to Brebeuf in Midland, Ontario, and concludes with the post-colonial revisiting of this figure in James W. Nichol's dramatic work, Saint-Marie Among the Hurons (1980), and in Brian Moore's Black Robe (1985). Chapter two turns to Oliver Goldsmith's The Rising Village and explores Protestant pilgrimage, marking the material and spiritual progress of that pilgrimage. The thesis then looks at Goldsmith's work in conjunction with the influential sermons and journals of Bishop John Inglis of Nova Scotia. Chapter three follows pilgrimage into more contemporary works in Robertson Davies' Fifth Business and Jane Urquhart's The Stone Carvers, incorporating post-structuralist discussions of the nomad as pilgrim or anti-pilgrim figure and the implications of homelessness to the pilgrimage paradigm. Chapters four and five analyze Richard B. Wright's The Age of Longing and Clara Callan, and Timothy Findley's The Butterfly Plague and Headhunter, which are explored in light of some of Jacques Derrida's writing and the critical utopian studies of Ernst Bloch.

Despite their prevalence, the study of Canadian minority governments has been the object of few published studies. In particular, the issue of how governments that must rely on the support of one or more opposition parties in Parliament manage to remain in power (viability) and pass their legislative proposals (effectiveness) has not been thoroughly investigated. This study examines the parliamentary dynamics at play in these situations by applying a majority building framework grounded in and supported by three theoretical perspectives, namely the rational choice tradition, new institutionalism, and the role of party politics and party systems, to four minority governments that have occurred in the last 50 years or so: 1 Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965); 3- Clark (1979-1980); and, 4-Harper (2006-2008). The data on the specific circumstances that held during these minority governments has been gathered from archival records, from the recorded debates and votes in the House of Commons, from previous Canadian studies on minority government, from political autobiographies, and from third party accounts of the events at the time. The study finds that majority building is a function of primarily two interrelated variables: 1- bargaining power (interparty dynamics and intra-party cohesion) and 2- agenda control (House business, confidence tests, other institutional features). It also stresses the importance of government concessions as an effective means of achieving desired goals and outcomes. Furthermore, this study highlights the capacity and skill of individual parliamentary actors in the exercise of legislative politics generally and in manipulating institutional and party system levers specifically, as a contributing factor to their government's duration and legislative output. This study adds to the empirical knowledge of the minority experience in Canada and provides a conceptual framework to better understand legislative politics and its impact on the success of minority governments in Canada and elsewhere.

No description available.

<p> The purpose of this qualitative multiple case study was to explore the value of leadership development programs from the perspectives of leaders in a First Nation, located in Canada. The goal of the study was to explore the perceptions of tribal leaders on the cultural appropriateness and perceived benefits of leadership development programs. A purposeful sampling criterion was used to select seven participants for the study. Multiple sources were used for evidence collection: in-depth interviews, observations, Council meeting minutes, and an annual audit report. Analyzing the data involved comparison and cross-case analysis techniques to synthesize the findings and identify recurring themes. The findings and conclusions showed rich descriptions of 17 sub-themes divided into three themes: seven sub-themes address the value and meaning of leadership, four sub-themes deal with the adequacy of leadership development programs, and six sub-themes focus on the cultural appropriateness of leadership development programs. The importance of retaining and preserving the cultural values and beliefs in leadership roles among the leaders of this First Nation was evident. This study may contribute to the cultural-appropriateness of leadership development programs focusing on the cultural traditions and ways of life of First Nation people.</p>

This dissertation considers how culturalist arguments are being deployed and interpreted in legal cases involving indigenous peoples in both Canada and the United States. Focusing specifically on three court cases, it asks how a certain kind of difference, indigeneity, is produced in both legal and extra-legal spheres. Rather than having a specific referent that is indigenous cultural practice and epistemology, indigeneity references the idea that indigenous difference is produced in particular contexts, in response to a variety of sociopolitical forces. The dissertation closely examines these three recent cases involving indigenous peoples, one from the U.S. and two from Canada. In each of these cases, the courts deploy the idiom of indigenous difference, indigeneity , in purportedly novel and unexpected ways. The dissertation argues that despite their superficial novelty, these cases are not especially anomalous; they are, in fact, part of continuing processes which rely on reductive multiculturalist discourses of indigeneity to continue to manage and even deny the existence of a colonial past and a postcolonial present.

This paper examines briefly the changing conceptions of HIV disease in the Canadian context. Historical reference is made to the increase in state involvement in the field of public health, and to the shift from an emphasis on environmental and behavioural factors to infectious agents as the causes of disease. The role of the state in the prevention of HIV disease is then discussed, with reference to human rights and changing perceptions of the role of the law. The paper then considers a specific issue: the criminal law and the sexual transmission of the virus. The Canadian legislation and case law is compared with the Australian response. It is suggested that the early focus on HIV legal policy in Australia led to a general agreement that the criminal law had a very limited contribution to make in this regard. The paper concludes with comments on the process of legal policy development, rather than specific recommendations for law reform.

<p> Canada has a long history of perpetrating violence and discrimination against Indigenous peoples, especially women. State policies and practices have systematically disenfranchised Indigenous women through mechanisms of displacement, assimilation, and marginalization. More than a century of large-scale intersectional violence has embedded complex intergenerational trauma into Indigenous families, further heightening their vulnerability. The &ldquo;public face of law&rdquo; has institutionalized the State endorsement of individual executioners of violence against Indigenous women. For decades, Indigenous peoples and human rights organizations have urged the State to recognize its active role in the violence and launch a public national inquiry. This thesis seeks to highlight the culpability of the State in the contemporary crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls while reasserting the power of the Indigenous woman. My argument is that in order to restore Indigenous women to their rightful place of power and equality in society, the State must both acknowledge and take responsibility for its crimes. </p><p>