In this paper, Jürgen Habermas' account on 'The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere' will be set into relation with the emergence of INGOs as actors in the public sphere. The emergence of NGOs, and later INGOs, can be closely linked to the transformation of the public sphere as described by Habermas. An account from the early beginnings of non-governmental associations to the institutionalized status of INGOs following the establishment of the UN aims to describe the roots and roles of such organizations as actors within the public sphere more precisely. The concept of 'good governance' will be related to the commitments of the INGO Accountability Charter of which Amnesty International (AI) is a signatory. The case of AI will then be used as an example to apply the insights gained from the theoretical perspectives explored before. The question of whether AI is successful in its application of good governance relies on the definition of 'successful'. In this paper, the definition is given by Habermas' definition of the actorness in the transformed public sphere and the fulfilment of the commitments to the INGO Accountability Charter. Identifying AI as an actor in the public sphere provides the ground on which the development and controversies surrounding this INGO will be analyzed. Understanding the role AI aspires to play is an important factor. In this context, the controversies AI has faced in the public eye become a starting point into the inquiry of what role good governance plays in AI's communicative efforts. These, in turn, are a key to the organization's attempts to counterbalance negative perceptions and to maintain its position as a successful communicative actor. The end will be formed by conclusions given on the analysis of AI's employment of good governance in transformed, transnational civil society. Points for future research will be indicated if applicable.

The purpose of this master thesis was to gain more insights into the actual impact that INGOs like Human Rights Watch incorporate as part of global politics. The case of HRW proved to be a great example, which had been largely neglected by the academic analysts so far. The theoretical framework introduced important implications necessary to understand the influence of INGOs to date. Based on a constructivist thinking, it was possible to outline a global political order, which is tremendously influenced by civil society actors such as INGOs. Especially the increasing significance of norms within an internationally arena -- that is becoming more and more connected -- gives impetus to actors that base their work on these collective beliefs. The deliberative power incorporated by INGOs enables them to actually challenge nation-states as well as market representatives by transforming the public sphere thoroughly. Human Rights Watch as particular case study has been analyzed as an organization that epitomizes the power of a rising global civil society. Throughout their historical development, HRW actively contributed to the defense of human rights against repressive governments as well as other violators. Obviously, the foundation of HRW was to a tremendous extent dependent on an overall evolution of human rights within the international arena. The end of the Second World War and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations paved the way for human rights to become an official and crucial part of international affairs. However, it took until the mid-70s when human rights turned into a major paradigm to be followed by nation-states. With the emergence of Helsinki Watch and the consequent evolution of other watch committees, the non-governmental organization strongly engaged with repressive governments (regardless of political orientation) in various regions of the world. Analyzing the contemporary organizational structure of HRW has been a difficult task due to relatively little information available. However, one can clearly state that HRW nowadays acts as a human rights defending organization that is virtually able to respond to abuses in every corner of the world. Its eagerness to review organizational process and adjust to novel human rights issues provides HRW with a unique flexibility and a large room for operations. This is also further strengthened through the integration of HRW within the international arena when considering their consultative status at the United Nations, the platform for worldwide relevant negotiations. Their growing presence in major capitals in conjunction with effective methodological approaches frequently permits HRW employees to meet up with heads of states. The impact this might have on the domestic opposition as well as on the actual socialization of norms has been described with the help of the example from Mexico, where the government refused to deal with forced disappearances. By actively engaging on-site, HRW tremendously fostered civil society movements that were otherwise unheard and powerless. As indicated in line with the spiral model, the intervention of HRW transformed the public sphere and boosted the dialogue between public and civil society representatives. The eagerness of the Mexican government to implement changes must be perceived as a success of HRW in its pursuit to defend human rights.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This study investigates how a civil society organisation, Reclaim the City (RTC), based in the old Woodstock Hospital is attempting to address the plight of the homeless through deepening participatory governance. Homelessness is a growing concern in South Africa. Post-1994 the African National Congress (ANC) embarked on the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) to address the imbalances of the past through providing housing, water, electricity and sanitation amongst others. However by 1996 this program was decommissioned and replaced by the Growth, Employment, and Reconstruction (GEAR) policy which ushered in the privatisation of basic services. The challenge was that many of the previously marginalised could not pay for these services. The move away from the RDP meant residents had to pay for housing and when many could not pay their rents they were evicted. The evicted moved into the streets and later, in this case study, to the old Woodstock Hospital. In their new location, they started engaging with Development Action Group (DAG) and Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) and the City of Cape Town to address their plight.

This study assessed whether civil society organizations in Zimbabwe that have previously been suppressed by the state, currently experience any change in their relations with the state under the Mnangagwa Presidency. I adopted a case study approach to comparatively assess the experiences of two civil society organizations relations with the state over a two- year period. The two case studies are of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ). Selected media sources, including the organizations' social media (i.e., Facebook, websites, and Twitter) and non-state news media, were used to obtain mainly qualitative data and basic numerical information. Gramsci's theory of hegemony and Foucault's concept of ‘panoptic surveillance' informed my analytical framework. The findings show that state suppression is at the core of the relations between state and civil society organizations that are critical of the state in Zimbabwe. The recurring forms of suppression include arrests, detention, assaults, abduction, torture, raids, theft, surveillance, judicial harassment, cyber-attacks/smear campaigns, travel bans, salary cessation and abuse. The findings suggest that ongoing state suppression is worse than during the latter part of Mugabe's Presidency. Selective suppression of targeted civil society organizations that are critical of the state also reflects diminishing democracy in Zimbabwe. This appears to be a general pattern in the region and one possible reason why bodies such as African Union and the Southern African Development Community are reluctant to discipline member states, including Zimbabwe, for human rights violations or state repression of critics.

The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of global civil society advocacy networks as major players in global governance. This research aimed at using a case study of GCAP in critically analysing the politics and dynamics of crafting a global civil society advocacy alliance. Specifically, the study aimed to: a) identify, analyse, and document GCAP’s experiences, strategies and challenges in trans-national networking and advocacy; b) generate knowledge on recent developments in global civil society networking and advocacy. The study analyses the study phenomenon using two central features of GCAP: networking and advocacy. Chapter one attempts to give a background of the study and also discusses the methods used. Chapter two lays the theoretical framework and operationalises the concepts explored in the study. The report argues that alliances are very different from ‘normal’ forms of organisations because they are made up of diverse forms of organisations, coming together voluntarily to achieve a specific purpose. They are therefore, by their very nature, complex, unstable, and difficult to co-ordinate. Chapters Three and Four look at such intricacies and complexities of crafting and operations of global advocacy networks. I conclude this research arguing that despite challenges in alliances building and operations, global civil society organisations will still need to network if they are to remain relevant and effective in current global governance context. It is only in their unity that they will be able to confront their common challenges.

This study set out to examine the opportunities and constraints for Zimbabwean civil society participation in African Union policy initiatives. The work came up after a realisation that there are serious challenges that inhibit participation of Zimbabwean civil society organisations (CSOs) in the policy-making initiatives of the continental body. The problem arises from the structure of the African Union (AU) in that it is an inter-state organ and, as such, any engagement with the African citizens has to be done through the various governments of members‘ states. This means that for Zimbabwean CSOs‘ voices to be heard in the AU policy-making, they have to go through their Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Zimbabwean situation is a very unique and problematic one in that the government and CSOs are sworn enemies. The animosity arises from the allegations by the government that the CSOs are part of a well-orchestrated plot led by the United States of America and Britain to effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe. It is the argument of the ZANU PF government that the West is sponsoring the opposition as a response to the land redistribution exercise. Given this background, it has been difficult for CSOs to make their representations to the government. This work therefore sought to determine alternative avenues for engagement by CSOs. The research was done through interviews of 20 CSOs involved in issues of democracy and good governance. It also utilised a lot of secondary information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the AU. The research came to the conclusion that CSOs need to improve their working relations with the government and also try to utilise other avenues for engagement like the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC). The work further concluded that the ―cat and mouse‖ relationship between the government and civil society in Zimbabwe has created a situation where the latter has been demonised, if not totally criminalised to the extent of limiting its access into mainstream AU affairs. This, in brief, has presented a situation 5 where the feasibility of a democratic experience in Zimbabwe becomes increasingly remote and misty. Zimbabwe‗s contribution to African political and economic life has been disabled by the Zimbabwean government‘s next to single-handed approach to African and international affairs. The absence of the Zimbabwean civil society‗s voice in the African economic and political life reduces Zimbabwe‘s place in African affairs to a narrow and shallow location. The democratic doctrine of multiplicity of voices and diversity of opinions, which are important ingredients of democracy as it is globally perceived, are negated by the Zimbabwean government‘s enduring interest to collapse the civil society to dormant national shareholders whose role is theoretical at the expense of being real and meaningful. At a prima facie level, the Zimbabwean civil society is an isolated and hindered entity through legislation and economic and political conditions that the Zimbabwean government has caused. On the other hand, on a point of strategy and creative positive thought, this creates a window of opportunities and some interesting challenges to the actors and players in the Zimbabwean civil society to generate methods and approaches relating to the greater African economic and political reality without the co-operation, or the consent, of the Zimbabwean government. This presents a case study to the test of Africa and the globe that governance is not only a preserve of the governments, but is an all-inclusive process that must also involve non-state actors, lest it becomes a partisan and narrow meaningless affair. That, in the African context, can be summarised in a West African saying that ―no matter how big your hand is, it can not cover the sky‖. In this context, no matter how big the AU can be, it cannot adequately serve the interests of the whole of Africa without involving other key players like the civil society movement.

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The bankruptcy of the government of Orange County, California in 1994 is treated as a case study depicting a potentially critical problem emerging for democracies. The analysis links finan-cial and fiduciary perspectives by re-examining the actions of Orange County officials and citi-zens through three separate analytical frames: the dynamics of economic globalization; citizen engagement through the channel of civil society; and the theory of risk--both its nature generally and its financial aspect specifically. The conclusion reached is that globalization has made con-tingency and uncertainty ubiquitous and this indicates that the practice of governance in its pub-lic administration dimension should include a return to pragmatic, process approaches to policy and implementation. / Ph. D.

Civil society is a widely discussed concept, often proposed as a means to address problems associated with a weakening of the social fabric. Nearly all civil society literature works from the notion that creating more or richer discourse around any given issue will help build agreement about the key values and in so doing, civil society will emerge. What this literature has not yet turned its attention to is, what is necessary for a strong social bond, which is a prerequisite for the possibility of social discourse in the first place, to exist. Historically, the social bond has been built on common religious, cultural and/or political perspectives. However, the constitutive power of the institutions that comprise each of these areas has diminished substantially. This research draws on concepts developed in the field of environmental psychology to understand how place can serve as the basis for the development of a social bond and subsequent emergence of civil society. Two concepts drawn from environmental psychology -- place attachment and place identity -- are used to demonstrate how individuals and groups become connected to place, and how such a connection shapes and contributes to social relations. Specifically, this study contributes to the body of civil society literature by illuminating how a public agency can foster the development of the social bond by drawing explicitly and symbolically on place and in doing so, contributes to the emergence of civil society -- or on the other hand, fails to foster it as effectively as it could by being attentive to the role that place can play in creating the social bond. / Ph. D.

No / The term global civil society is hotly contested, admit the editors, who offer their own definition. Of the three editor-contributors and 11 additional contributors, nine are affiliated either with the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, LSE, or the UCLA Center for Civil Society. Contributions to this annually updated yearbook tackle the debate on definitions; NGOs; multiculturalism; the Arab perspective; oil and activism; globalism, democracy, and democratic power; prominent individuals behind the global civil society; and methodologies for measuring and analyzing it, among other issues. The last section gives a chronology of events. Of interest to social and political scientists, activists, students, journalists and policy makers. Editor of Red Pepper, Hilary Wainwright, identifies the conditions in which global civil society can reinvigorate or hinder the development of local democracy with examples from China, Brazil and Guatemala.