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A glance back the democratic movement of Taiwan in the mid-1980s, the transformation of class structure played an important role in the post-war period. The post-war transformation of the economic structure composes the essential premised changes of the class structure, but it is not enough to explain the democratization of Taiwan after the mid-1980s. Therefore, this thesis connects with the causalities among ¡§economic structure¡¨, ¡§transformation of class structure¡¨ and ¡§changes of political regime¡¨ to re-explain the fundamental origin of Taiwan¡¦s democratization through the historical-structural approach. This thesis detects that the commercialized activities of agrarian production by the KMT government constituted the post-war economic production modes of Taiwan. And then the capital, extracted from the processes of agrarian commercialization, supported Taiwan¡¦s industrialization. The industrialization becomes a crucial target for the historical process of Taiwan¡¦s modernization. Through the industrialization, the traditional class structure of Taiwan was largely changed. It was at the cost of sacrificing the interests of the agriculture department to achieve the economic policy and produce enormous labor class. Following the promotion of the cultural and educational standards, it created a large number of technologic ¡§Middle class¡¨ based on the intellectual capital. Part of the bourgeois extended their wealth from the early preferential measures of the socio-economic policies during the KMT government period. At the same time, the KMT government exploited the unreasonable take-over of lands and foodstuffs, and the adjustment of tax policy to accumulate the future cooperative basis of ¡§official and merchant capital¡¨. The interactions among the ruling class, bourgeois, farmer, labor class, and the Middle class fermented the social background of the changes of Taiwan¡¦s political regime. At the last, resistant methods of social movements and deregulations of the authority from ruling elites within the KMT impelled Taiwan¡¦s transition from autocracy to democracy.

Texte remanié de: Dissertation--Philadelphia--Temple University. / Bibliogr. p. 212-235.

Tesis--Universidad de París, 1974. / Bibliogr. p. 289-302.

Texte remanié de: Mémoire de DEA--Histoire--Oxford, 2002. / Bibliogr. p. 129-139. CEDEJ = Centre d'études et de documentation économiques, juridiques et sociales.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Université de Paris I-Panthéon-Sorbonne, 1994. Titre de soutenance : La société en Ifrīqiyya aġlabide (184-296 / 800-909) : hommes et institutions. / Bibliogr. p. 521-559 vol. 1.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Histoire : Lyon 2 : 2004. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. Annexes.

Theses--University of California, Berkeley. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-297).

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li zheng zhi da xue dong ya yan jiu suo. / Photo from typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record.

Globalisation has intensified the international movement of labour and South Korea is no exception. Korea, which in the past was itself a labour-exporting country, has seen a reversal in human mobility since the late 1990's with a rapid growth in immigration and a transformation of a previously almost ethnically homogenous society. However, studies on migrant and ethnic minority groups in Korea have primarily focussed on such areas as industrial law and social policy. In this context, the important questions about the cultural and political implications associated with the construction of minority representations in the media have remained highly unexplored. The starting point of this study is an examination of the vital role of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Korean society, where ethnic minorities have increasingly become visible. Korean PSB's mandate, following the BBC model, emphasises the broadcaster‟s responsibility to represent and reflect the range of public opinion and experiences beyond class, age, ethnicity and ideological orientation. Despite this commitment what this study shows is that PSB in South Korea has failed to fairly represent the culturally diverse groups within Korean society. The main purpose of this study is to empirically examine the means through which PSB generates discourses of We-ness and Otherness at times of change in the Korean society. Empirically, the study focuses on primetime PSB news visual and textual representations of migrants and ethnic minorities. With the use of critical discourse analysis (CDA) it demonstrates that PSB gives a concrete form to the ideological constructions of Otherness, sometimes transforming subtle cultural or social differences into fundamental and oppositional ones. Korean PSB appears to be ideologically biased toward nationalism, while in its visual and textual representations it constructs ideological systems of social and racial stratification, with Southeast Asian migrants constantly represented as the ultimate Others. The study shows the significant role of PSB in representing cultural diversity in public debates and the ways in which such representations and their dissemination reflect media power.